Lauri Lavanti – blog

Is AI taking the programmer's job?

Fri, 16 Oct 2026 00:00:00 GMT

AI already does part of a programmer's job. In my own work, it has taken over most of the coding. A year ago I thought a good programmer was defined by their code; not anymore. Most of the code I am responsible for is now AI-written. My job is to decide what to build and answer for making it work. On AI and work, it pays to be brutally honest.

Finland's future will not be built by burying our heads in the sand and pretending nothing has changed. It needs skills renewal and social security that keep pace with the change.

Is AI taking the programmer's job?

AI already takes a significant share of a programmer's job: writing routine code, producing tests and making repetitive fixes. It does not take the whole job. People keep the decisions about what and why to build, and the responsibility for making sure the system works and is secure. The programmer's job is changing: value is shifting from producing code to owning the whole.

I know this from my own work. I read every change before it goes live, because AI makes mistakes in a confident voice. An error in the services I build lands directly on people's lives and opportunities — a responsibility no machine can carry. For the same reason, a poorly defined task does not improve with AI. It only produces mistakes faster.

AI takes tasks. The whole picture and the responsibility stay with people.

I have written about AI often. In spring I wrote for the business daily Kauppalehti about what developers get paid for from now on. That is a question for the employer. The question for the employee is more direct: will I have a job in five years?

How does AI affect unemployment?

AI affects unemployment first through tasks. It rarely removes a whole occupation at once, but it cuts routine work and changes what skills employers look for. The biggest risk sits in the transitions. If learning something new takes too long, and even a short job can weaken someone's income, spells of unemployment stretch longer than necessary.

The concern is real. The Arjen katsaus survey, commissioned by LähiTapiola, a Finnish insurer, found 62% of Finns worried about unemployment in general, and 32% fearing AI will take jobs (Yle, 27 May 2026).

In workplaces, AI is for many already the next step in development rather than an upheaval, which is why the change proceeds quietly, one task at a time. As tasks change, so does who gets hired and with what skills.

With AI, transitions become more common. More people change roles mid-career, people switch jobs more often, and some work comes as short projects. The current social security system works against this: a short job can disrupt benefits, and only a fraction of every extra euro stays in your pocket, so taking short-term work or retraining does not pay. A simpler basic security would remove this trap, so transitions no longer cost people dearly.

How will juniors become seniors from now on?

A junior will still become a senior by doing real work and getting feedback on it, but the practice tasks are changing. As AI handles routine code, young people need to learn already in school how to use AI and judge its output. It still pays for employers to hire juniors, because without them there will be no seniors in ten years.

I learned by making mistakes that more experienced colleagues helped me understand. I wrote about this in June for Skrolli, a Finnish computing-culture magazine. Now AI writes the routine code juniors once learned from, so the career path has to be rebuilt.

The first step happens in school. AI-assisted programming deserves its own subject in upper secondary and vocational education, so young people can practise judging AI's work on real projects — for example in game development or open-source communities — before their first job.

This is also about giving everyone a chance. If only people with connections or means for unpaid internships can enter the field, the pipeline narrows and Finland wastes talent. The route into the field must stay open to everyone who wants to learn, regardless of background.

What should Finland do as AI changes work?

Finland should make skills renewal a normal part of every career, and build social security that works through every stage of change in working life, where taking work always pays off. Then AI's productivity shows up as competitiveness, not long spells of unemployment. Finland has done this before: when Nokia's phone business declined, its experts built new companies and a strong games industry.

The skills did not disappear from Finland — they moved to a different field. The same transition now lies ahead in knowledge work, and it must succeed by design, not chance.

I propose four concrete measures:

Lifelong learning as a right. A right to update one's skills would be written into law, with modular study paths between vocational and higher education, so learning something new would not require a whole new degree.
Tax deductions for staff training. Tax deductions would support companies' staff training, so AI's productivity gains do not benefit only the largest companies.
Social security where work always pays. Incentive traps would be dismantled, and the first step towards simpler basic security would be a monthly basic income of 260 euros.
Danish-style flexicurity. Employment services would be strengthened so that moving into a new job happens fast.

Finland does well when skills renew as fast as work itself changes.

AI already makes programmers more productive. When skills and social security keep pace, that productivity makes Finland a country where talented people want to work and companies find the people they need.

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Why Does Finland Need a Digital Ministry?

Fri, 16 Oct 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Finland needs a digital minister and a digital ministry: one cross-government responsibility that would pull together an AI policy now scattered across three ministries. The reason is practical. Picture a small company building AI-assisted customer service. It asks one agency about data protection, another about data use and a third about funding, and gets three timetables and three interpretations. Each of those agencies answers to a different ministry, which is why their interpretations differ too. AI policy today is split between the Ministry of Transport and Communications, the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment and the Ministry of Finance, and none of them is responsible for the whole.

I am proposing a digital ministry because the fragmented structure is a regulatory risk for business. A company needs one clear set of rules, not three different interpretations.

At first hearing, a new ministry sounds like more bureaucracy. But it is worth remembering:

A company can adapt to any rule, as long as it knows the rule in advance.

What the current structure lacks is predictability. The number of rules is not the main problem. As a lead developer, I use AI every day to build software, and I see up close how the playing field changes from one month to the next. In the previous part of this series I wrote about portability in public procurement. This part asks who in Finland is actually responsible for AI policy as a whole. Right now, the answer is "nobody".

What Would a Digital Ministry Mean for Finland?

A digital ministry would bring the AI and technology powers now scattered across the Ministry of Transport and Communications, the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment and the Ministry of Finance under one cross-government responsibility. The ministry would host a standing technology committee in Parliament, which would deliver a regular technology assessment to Parliament. It would also host a national evaluation body to audit frontier models that cross defined thresholds.

That structure would solve exactly the problem the company faces today. In its place would be one minister, one point of contact and one line of interpretation for all of AI policy. Under that single line, data protection would stay predictable too, because the company would know what is expected of it instead of having to reconcile three agencies' different priorities.

How Would the Digital Ministry Be Built?

The digital ministry would be built by splitting the Ministry of Transport and Communications in two. Transport, rail and ports would move to the Ministry of the Environment, which already covers land-use planning, construction and housing policy. The state itself has tied these together in its land use, housing and transport agreements, where a single document settles both where to build and how people get there. The remaining communications and digital side would become the digital ministry. The number of ministries would stay the same.

Why Is Fragmented AI Policy a Regulatory Risk for Business?

When AI policy is split across three ministries and priorities shift from one government term to the next, a company cannot price future regulation into its investment decisions. A single accountable digital minister would answer for the whole, which would reduce exactly the uncertainty that no individual statute removes on its own.

Regulatory clarity is a competitive advantage.

This is not just a point of principle. I have written before about how Finland builds digital independence one procurement decision at a time, and the same logic applies to regulation. A predictable framework attracts investment, while a fragmented and shifting one drives it away.

Who Would the Evaluation Body's Thresholds Apply To?

The evaluation body's mandate would be limited in law to a single threshold: training compute above 10^25 FLOP. Neither parameter count nor provider turnover would serve as a threshold, because both would pull ordinary Finnish companies into scope and both would date as the technology moves on. Only frontier models above the threshold, and their providers, would be subject to evaluation, so Finnish SMEs would not carry a compliance burden designed for companies the size of OpenAI, Anthropic or Mistral.

I also propose that if the European Commission changes the threshold by delegated act, the national threshold would follow, but any other update would require a decision by Parliament, not the discretion of an agency. SMEs would also get a two-year transition period written into law before a new threshold took effect for them. That would cut regulatory risk in concrete terms. Companies would know years in advance when a threshold would start to apply to them.

Has a Threshold-Based Model Been Tested Elsewhere?

The 10^25 FLOP training-compute threshold is the same line at which the EU AI Act presumes a general-purpose AI model poses systemic risk, so the model is not entirely our own. The AI Futures Project has proposed transparency and threshold mechanisms as possible ways to govern an evolving technology regardless of how fast it develops.

In 2025 Germany set up its own Federal Ministry for Digital Transformation and Government Modernisation, bringing digitalisation and federal IT, previously spread across government, under one responsibility. Telecommunications was separated from transport at the same time. Finland needs a similar consolidation so that AI policy is not left to chance.

A concrete example of what AI can deliver when administration is coordinated can already be found in municipalities. In Konnevesi, AI cut the processing time for private road grants from two and a half months to days, after eight municipalities built a shared solution instead of running separate pilots. The same principle would work at national level.

A digital ministry would replace shifting interpretations with a single threshold model approved by Parliament. It would bring new permanent structures, such as the standing technology committee and the evaluation body, but they would be limited to the largest players. For a small business, the whole picture would get simpler.

A company that knows the rules years in advance can invest more boldly than one that has to guess them again every government term. A digital ministry would answer that problem.

I am the Greens' parliamentary candidate in the Uusimaa electoral district, and I intend to propose this structure for the next government programme. This is the second part of a series, which continues with other rules of the game for the age of AI.

A working economy, seamless education and secure freedom are three parts of the same goal, and in the age of AI they add up to a digitally independent Finland. A digital ministry would be one concrete structure that keeps that whole predictable.

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Your paycheck should build wealth!

Mon, 12 Oct 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Why is it so hard to build wealth on a salary?

Finland punishes hard work. Today you must pay earned-income tax on your wages before any of that income can go into savings. A wage earner can only invest what is left after tax. Capital income faces no such threshold, and wealth grows considerably faster as a result.

We want to make building wealth possible for everyone. A wealth account would let you save from your wages the same way you can from capital income. The idea is that you can invest the euros you earn from your work before tax is taken out of them, giving your investments an entirely new head start!

In practice, the wealth account is not a real account like a bank account, but a bookkeeping arrangement in the Finnish Tax Administration's systems. Money that goes into savings and investments has no immediate tax consequences. You pay tax only when you withdraw money for your own use, and the withdrawal is then normally subject to income tax.

This simple change promotes people's capitalism. When more and more wage earners are also owners, the economy becomes more resilient to crises and building wealth comes within reach of every wage earner.

Here are four reasons why the wealth account builds a better and fairer market economy.

"It's time to make building wealth everyone's right, whether your income comes as wages or as dividends!"

— Lauri Lavanti

Benefit 1/4: Invest your whole paycheck for a bigger starting capital

Investors can already defer tax on the returns from their holdings, for example through investment funds, insurance wrappers or the equity savings account. The real obstacle to a wage earner building wealth, however, is that heavy tax must be paid on wages before a single euro can be invested.

With a wealth account, savings are deductible in income taxation. You can therefore start investing with the full gross amount in one go, and compound interest gets to work with a far bigger engine from the very start.

This puts compound interest to work for both the state and the taxpayer. Building capital is not penalised up front; income tax is paid only when the funds are withdrawn for your own use.

"In Finland we talk a lot about incentives to work, but too little about how an ordinary wage earner could build wealth. I believe everyone should have the chance to build financial security through their own work. That also takes new solutions."

— Ulla Santti

Benefit 2/4: Invest freely wherever you want, the taxman doesn't set the terms

Today the Finnish tax system is full of complicated exceptions that steer how people invest. One investment is taxed differently from another.

That is inefficient for a market economy. In a wealth account, different investments stand on equal footing for tax purposes. Taxation no longer steers your decisions: you choose your investments by their return and risk, as markets should work.

Benefit 3/4: Switching investments no longer locks up your money

Many Finns' savings are stuck in old investments they would like to get rid of. The capital gains tax due on selling, however, stops them from switching.

As a result, money sits in inefficient holdings instead of funding new Finnish innovations or growth companies. The wealth account solves this problem in one go. It frees assets locked up for tax reasons for more productive use.

You can freely sell your investments and buy new ones without having to pay tax in between. You pay the tax only when you move the money from the account into your own life. This makes our capital markets more dynamic and agile.

Benefit 4/4: Tax consumption, not wealth-building

In practice, the wealth account works like a progressive expenditure tax. It does not prevent capital from being built up through work, but it taxes the consumption of accumulated wealth. The system therefore does not favour the jet-set lifestyle and needless luxury consumption, but encourages thrift and securing your own finances.

When the rules are fair for everyone, the need for costly tax planning disappears. The system is also designed to be watertight: the overall system must include a capital gains exit tax, so that returns cannot be realised tax-free abroad. You cannot avoid tax by moving abroad.

"Building wealth should be encouraged, dodging tax should not. That is why the system must be built so that no one can escape tax through costly tax planning or by moving abroad with their wealth."

— Essi Lindberg

Nor can anyone dodge tax all the way to the grave. The account cannot be used to defer tax forever, because on death it is realised as income of the estate. This ensures that taxes get paid and that the system stays fair to everyone.

"Besides targeting taxation better at the consumption of natural resources, this system can encourage perfectly ordinary people to take an interest in the economy and to plan their own finances and spending in the first place."

— Johanna Muurinen

Let's make building wealth everyone's right

The wealth account tackles one of the biggest obstacles to Finns building wealth: how painfully hard it is to accumulate assets through diligent wage work. When savings can go into investments before tax is paid, we give work and enterprise the value they deserve.

"For us ordinary wage earners, the wealth account is an effective and fair tool and an excellent incentive to build wealth."

— Arttu Laitinen

This is the market economy at its best. It does not just protect the interests of those who are already wealthy, but gives everyone the same rules for building their financial security. It removes market inefficiencies, directs money to productive uses and harnesses compound interest to benefit all of Finland.

"Moreover, as society moves to a basic income, people with irregular earnings will also be able, at least at the system level, to build up savings through the wealth account."

— Taru Hallikainen

Join us in making people's capitalism real. Let's choose a solution that rewards hard work and brings a fair market economy within reach of every wage earner.

Why is this proposal here too?

I am one of the authors of this proposal. The Market Greens are the Greens' pro-market network that I founded – I am publishing the proposal on my own site as well, because the economy is one of the focus areas of my parliamentary campaign. The wealth account continues the line of our earlier proposal, more markets. More Market Green posts are on the category page, and the original version of the proposal is on the Market Greens' site.

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Digital independence: Finland's ability to choose

Wed, 07 Oct 2026 00:00:00 GMT

What does digital independence mean?

Digital independence is the ability to choose, and to switch providers when needed. It is security of supply, the kind we already apply to fuel, food and medicine, and software is next on that list. Looking for someone to blame will not build it. The ability to choose is built with three levers Finland and Europe already have:

procurement, which decides what technology markets emerge
standards, which decide how data moves and who can compete
code, meaning open source and the European alternatives that already exist

I have written about this before: digital independence is a necessity, and it is built one step at a time. All my writing on this appears in the digital independence category.

What did I talk about at Happy Hacking Day?

On 1 October 2026, at Haaga-Helia's Pasila campus, I gave an English-language talk on digital independence at Happy Hacking Day. The audience was technical. I covered how deep our dependence on non-European technology is, what has already happened when access was cut off, and how Finland and Europe can build the freedom to choose.

Parental leave was visible on stage: I held my one-year-old for most of the talk.

The talk started from a familiar line in Finnish politics: we have to start from the fact that this is where we've ended up. The numbers are stark. Three US companies control about 70% of Europe's cloud-services market. The EU holds about 5% of global AI compute, and forecasts put that share at roughly the same through 2031. In June, the US government ordered non-US users cut off from Anthropic's most advanced AI models. The examples of Schleswig-Holstein and Airbus still show that disentangling is real work — but achievable.

The slides are available as a PDF.

What did the audience ask?

In the discussion after the talk, the audience asked mainly about two topics. The first was Chat Control, the EU's proposal to monitor messages. The second was independence in payment systems. Both point back to the talk's core question: who ultimately decides about the digital services that public services, businesses and citizens rely on every day.

What did the talk say?

Good afternoon. I'm Lauri Lavanti. As this is Happy Hacking Day, I thought I'd start with a bit of personal history around computers and hacking. My first experiences with a computer were with an old-school Macintosh my dad had. I don't remember much of what it was used for, other than very simple black-and-white games, but it got the fire going. Later, as a teenager with my very own PC, I felt like a true hackerman, making PC games run without the CD, which I now know had almost nothing to do with hacking.

Since then I've focused on the software development side. I have been writing code for a living for over a decade, and my current job is lead developer at a large Finnish bank, though right now I'm on parental leave with my youngest child, who is with me today. In my free time I also sit on the Kirkkonummi municipal council, so I have seen how decisions about public-sector technology get made from both the inside and the outside.

The title is a nod to a well-known line from Finnish politics: "Siitä on lähdettävä, että tähän on tultu", we have to start from the fact that this is where we've ended up. That's the spirit of this talk: not where we wish we were, but where we actually are now. I am especially interested in that intersection in a Venn diagram where software and tech meet politics and society at large, and I would argue that it is too often a blind spot for us in the tech industry.

I was also the initiator and driving force of the Digital Independence citizens' initiative, which reached the required number of signatures in July. It is about exactly that intersection: making sure our tech decisions stand the test of time.

So, is digital independence just a hype word? Sitra and EVA asked the public, and 79% supported the EU having strategic autonomy in critical technologies, while 77% wanted to reduce dependence on the US in technology and the economy, and 76% supported limiting the power of US and Chinese tech giants. That is a striking consensus for any policy question, numbers the likes of which we haven't seen since Finland joined Nato.

Where we stand

Let's start with the numbers. What is the current situation?

Seventy percent of the European cloud market belongs to Amazon, Microsoft and Google, while European providers hold only about 15%. Those figures come from Synergy Research Group's 2025 market data. Around 80% of European enterprise-software spend goes to US vendors. European organisations spend about €264 billion a year on digital technology made outside Europe, with licence costs rising roughly 10% a year.

Then there is AI compute, which basically means those pesky and controversial data centres. The EU holds about 5% of global capacity, and current forecasts to 2031 keep it at about 5%, while global capacity grows more than tenfold. Middle powers like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, India, South Korea, Canada and Brazil are together building more than the EU's entire projected capacity. And regardless of how one feels about AI, I think by now we all have an inkling of how important compute is.

These next numbers are from May this year. Germany celebrated a €1 billion data centre in Munich. In the same year, the four biggest US cloud and AI companies invested over 350 billion euros, more than 350 times as much. On the AI frontier, of roughly one hundred notable AI models released in the preceding year, exactly one came from the EU.

This is not hypothetical

"But surely nobody would actually pull the plug."

On June 12, 2026, at 17:21 Eastern Time, the US government ordered Anthropic to cut off all non-US citizens and organisations from its most advanced models, Fable and Mythos. To make sure it was complying, Anthropic ended up shutting those models down for everyone, then slowly opened access back up, first to the US government and a select list of US companies. Fable was soon opened to the public again, but the head start could have been longer, and we would have been powerless to change it.

Even in the biggest newspaper in Finland, Helsingin Sanomat, a columnist stated clearly that the kill switch was used.

So while we can debate the likelihood of these things happening, their scale or the policy behind them, we have proof that it can happen.

Another common false comfort in this space is: "Our data is in a data centre in our home country, so we're fine." And this is especially something non-technical people tend to think. But residency is not sovereignty. Sovereignty is about who can access the data, not where it is stored.

Under the CLOUD Act, US authorities can order US companies to hand over data regardless of where the servers are. It is debatable how likely that is, or what the damage would be, but the mechanics are there. Emails that Dutch digital-services regulators sent to US-based companies were handed to the US House of Representatives under a congressional subpoena.

And the legal framework for transatlantic data flows keeps collapsing. The previous frameworks, Safe Harbor and Privacy Shield, fell in court, Privacy Shield in Schrems II, C-311/18. The current Data Privacy Framework is in serious trouble after a US Supreme Court ruling earlier this year undermined the independence of the FTC, which the framework relies on. Three frameworks, the same structural problem: EU law and US surveillance law don't seem to fit together, and contracts can't fix that.

Why this is about politics

None of what I've shown you happened by accident, and none of it gets fixed by accident either.

The first mechanism to fix this is procurement, which builds markets and destroys them. The public sector is a huge buyer, so large that its purchasing habits actively shape which technology markets exist. Finland's dependency wasn't fate. It accumulated through decades of individual, rational-looking procurement decisions. And I'm not blaming any of the people making those decisions. Most times the IT departments in public sector are stuck between a rock and a hard place.

The reverse mechanism is a textbook coordination failure. No single CIO benefits from moving first, and no single open-source vendor can fund the missing enterprise features alone. A real chicken-and-egg problem. That is why the truly groundbreaking policy work, like the EuroCommons initiative that is now pooling European migration coalitions, targets the coordination problem itself rather than any single migration.

The second mechanism is standards. Standards decide how data moves and which technology can even compete. That is information policy, made in committee rooms rather than parliaments.

Anu Bradford describes this in Digital Empires as three regulatory models competing globally: the American market-driven model, the Chinese state-driven model and the European rights-driven model. Europe's leverage, the "Brussels Effect", means EU rules become de facto global standards.

A current example: the EU AI Act is now a reference point even in the US. In Illinois, a pending bill, SB3444, would let frontier-model providers comply by following the EU AI Act. Europe is a significantly smaller provider of digital services than China or the US, but we are still very influential.

Third, think supply security: trade war, localisation law, sanctions, vendor failure. This doesn't mean closing ourselves off from the world, or building everything ourselves, even though AI has dramatically decreased the cost of writing code. This is about supply security, or the better-known Finnish word "huoltovarmuus". The goal is not to always run our own servers in our own basement. It is to make sure that if the proverbial excrement hits the fan, we are not caught with our pants down.

Current direction

So what is coming?

Finland's government made a digital sovereignty roadmap on 27 April this year. It was adopted by the ministerial working group on societal reform, and it defines sovereignty as the capability to control digital infrastructure, data and technologies without unreasonable dependence on actors outside the EU. It names exit capability and open interfaces.

In the EU, the commons layer is becoming institutional: EuroCommons and the Digital Commons consortium are building shared European digital infrastructure, and there is an EU open-source strategy. You can argue about the pace, but the direction is written down.

The market is moving too. European alternatives are no longer symbolic. Verda, the Finnish GPU-cloud company, just became a unicorn.

Aiven is among the European open-source companies EU policymakers point to, alongside names like Mistral, Nextcloud, SUSE, Odoo and Arduino. Opinsys, a company from Jyväskylä, builds Linux-based computers for education in Finland, Germany and Switzerland.

What can be done

So what can be done, and what has already been done? We are, after all, talking about long-term endeavours and numbers so large that most of us never deal with them in our day-to-day lives.

The German state of Schleswig-Holstein began a full exit from US office software in 2024. It migrated 40,000 email accounts in about half a year, and a Linux migration is ongoing. The migration reportedly required a one-time investment of €9 million, against roughly €15 million a year in licence fees.

The transition has not been painless. The spell-checker, for example, was broken for months, and unions demanded proper training. Migration is real work, not a budget cut. But it is work that can be done: a functioning European state government is moving to open source.

Companies talk about risk management, not ideology. Airbus expanded a migration of critical applications from AWS to the French provider Scaleway, from an initial 70 applications to over 900, explicitly citing the CLOUD Act.

Meanwhile the Swiss internet service provider Infomaniak went further on the durability question. It transferred majority voting rights to a public-interest foundation, legally irrevocably, so that the sovereignty promise survives any acquisition.

Independence is the ability to choose

To circle back to the beginning, this is where we are now: 70% of our cloud, 80% of our software spend, one demonstrated kill switch, and a legal reality where residency doesn't protect us.

But digital independence, the thing every serious actor from the Finnish government to Airbus is actually pursuing, isn't isolation, and it isn't anti-anything.

It's the ability to choose, and to leave. That ability is built in unglamorous places: tender criteria, interface standards, licence terms. Those are political artefacts, and they are exactly the places where the people in this room have expertise and leverage.

Where we go next is a decision.

Editor's note: The published text differs from the talk given on 1.10.2026 in the following places.

The talk attributed the "kill switch" remark to a Helsingin Sanomat column. It was said by LUT professor Paavo Ritala on Uusi Juttu's news programme Pihvi (16.6.2026).

The 70% cloud-market figure was credited to a European Parliament study. Its source is Synergy Research Group. The 85% / 15% split mentioned in the talk has been replaced with the sourced 70% / 15% comparison.

The talk presented Illinois SB3444 as passed law. It is a bill still pending in the state legislature.

Two claims have been softened: the EuroCommons target of 30 million users by 2030 has been removed, and Aiven is no longer described as one of six success stories named in the EU open-source strategy.

Schleswig-Holstein: the 10–20% extra working time during the transition has been removed, and the Linux migration is described as ongoing instead of running through 2028.

The 79% NATO support figure used for comparison was measured in June 2022, during the membership application, before Finland joined in April 2023.

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A Fuel Subsidy Worth Hundreds of Millions Would Deepen Import Dependency

Mon, 05 Oct 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Prices at the pump for petrol and diesel have risen sharply, and it shows in many Finns' everyday lives. In response, the Swedish People's Party has proposed halving the VAT on fuel, and the Finns Party a cut to the distribution obligation.

Both measures would cost the state hundreds of millions of euros. A tax cut cuts straight into tax revenue, while a lower distribution obligation would make it harder to stay on track with emissions targets, forcing us to buy emissions units from other EU countries at a high price or to take considerably more expensive measures instead.

If that much money is available to bring prices down, it should be spent as wisely as possible.

Why Is Cutting Fuel Prices the Wrong Fix?

The concern behind the Swedish People's Party's proposal is understandable. In the countryside and the archipelago, many people have no option but the car. But directing support toward buying fuel is still an economically and ecologically backwards solution.

Dependence on imported energy is already a threat to our self-sufficiency and security, since it turns us into pawns of oil-producing authoritarian states and great-power politics. That dependence needs to be broken, not deepened. Fossil fuels are in short supply right now, and we are trying to move away from them regardless — artificially lowering their price only sustains the dependence and slows the energy transition.

How Should the Support Be Given?

A better solution is to leave the price of fuel to the market and direct the support straight to citizens as money, for example as a one-off payment. That supports people's purchasing power in hard times, without tying the support to buying fossil fuels. People can decide for themselves whether the money goes toward higher fuel costs, public transport, or anything else they choose. They know what is best for themselves better than ministers do.

The smart move is to support people's livelihood and freedom of choice, instead of burning imported energy.

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Who owns public sector data?

Fri, 25 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

When a municipality or the state buys an information system, it is also buying a home for a vast amount of taxpayers' data. Too often nobody asks who ends up controlling that data. As a lead developer, I have spent more than a decade building systems in which every layer has to be replaceable, so that one failing component or supplier cannot bring the whole system down. In public IT procurement this principle is called portability: the ability to move a system's data, processes and integrations to another supplier when the current one no longer does the job. Without it, the data is locked inside one supplier's closed system, and control over it has in effect been handed away. Portability and open interfaces should be written into the Procurement Act as a mandatory condition for every critical public system.

What does portability in public procurement mean in practice?

Portability is a property of the procurement that guarantees the system's data, processes and integrations can be moved to another supplier at reasonable cost. It only exists if it is written into the contract and the technical specification before the procurement decision is made. In practice, every critical procurement would need three things:

Data formats that are publicly documented and openly described.
Integrations built on well-known interface standards.
An exit clause in every contract, setting out how the data and documentation move to the next supplier.

Without these, switching supplier is possible in theory but often too expensive in practice.

Otso Kivekäs, CEO of the software company Haltu Oy, puts it well: a customer must never get stuck with a single supplier, because the ability to switch is the core of what the procurement promises. This is a basic design principle. Interfaces are designed to be open from the start, because doing it afterwards costs many times more. Every critical ICT procurement should also include a mandatory supplier dependency assessment, covering a component inventory, supply chain verification and a description of the update process, all written into the call for tenders.

You cannot switch supplier unless that option was agreed from the start.

Why does vendor lock-in cost taxpayers so much?

When the supplier cannot be replaced, the price stops being set by the market. The supplier knows the customer cannot leave, and the negotiating power shifts to the supplier for good. Helsinki offers two instructive examples of what a bad procurement costs: Asti, the customer service system for early childhood and basic education, and Sarastia365, the payroll system used by the city's HR. The comparison below between the open eVaka and the closed Asti is illustrative and not entirely fair, but it shows how the two models differ.

eVaka (Espoo, Tampere, Oulu, Turku): open source with shared maintenance, covering early childhood education. It cost about €9M by 2023 and is in use in more than ten municipalities.
Helsinki's own customer service system (Asti): closed and built alone, covering early childhood and basic education. It cost about €32M in 2019–2023, originally estimated at €60M. Development was halted and the system was never completed.

The systems are not directly comparable. Asti covered basic education services as well as early childhood education, so a straight comparison does not tell the whole story. The key difference, though, is how they were built. eVaka's supplier can be replaced, and the maintenance is shared between several municipalities. Asti's development, by contrast, stalled inside a single city with no outside competition.

Helsinki's Sarastia365 HR system went live in spring 2022, and thousands of employees were paid the wrong amount or not paid at all. The problem was an uncontrolled rollout rather than a single supplier, but the lesson is the same. A critical procurement without a clear plan for control and replaceability ends up expensive. The pattern repeats almost every time new systems are bought without anyone asking how to get out of them if needed.

The same logic is visible in Germany. The state of Schleswig-Holstein made a one-off investment of about €9 million to move away from Microsoft to open source systems, and the state's digitalisation ministry estimates annual savings of about €15 million, meaning the investment pays for itself in under a year. The Commission's proposed Cloud and AI Development Act makes open source the default specifically for public procurement of cloud and AI software, for the same reason.

Competition is not ideology. It is cheaper.

How do we bring competition back to public IT procurement?

Competition would return if the Procurement Act required portability from the call for tenders onwards. In practice, it would take three structural changes. Together they would break today's supplier-centred model and give smaller Finnish software companies a real chance to deliver part of the whole instead of one large supplier taking everything, regardless of how small or large the contracting authority is.

Open source becomes the default for critical systems.
Procurements are split into modules instead of one large contract.
Every procurement carries a supplier dependency assessment before the decision.

This would not be free, of course, but the opportunity cost should gradually become clear to everyone. Documenting interfaces and assessing dependencies takes expertise and time from the contracting authority, which a small municipality may lack entirely. No municipality has to build that expertise alone. Contracting authorities could share the same assessment model, just as they already share the maintenance of eVaka. In return, a market would open in which a Finnish SME could deliver part of the whole without having to win the entire monolith on its own. Maintenance shared across several municipalities is also a matter of resilience. When no single supplier owns the whole system, the municipality keeps its grip on the service even when one partner runs into trouble.

I am the Greens' parliamentary candidate in the Uusimaa electoral district, and I intend to write these requirements into the Procurement Act. In my work I have seen both sides. I know what can be built on top of an open interface, and what a closed black box costs when it breaks. The same principle applies whether the system is built for a company or for a municipality.

The first practical step is a small one. Every new critical ICT procurement would get a portability requirement and a supplier dependency assessment within this parliamentary term, instead of rewriting the entire Procurement Act in one go. Digital independence is built exactly like this, one step at a time. I have written before about how the same logic of supplier dependency shows up in municipal AI procurement.

A digitally independent Finland is built when the economy, education and freedom work together in the age of AI. It starts with public procurement that makes sense.

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YEL must not raise the entrepreneurship barrier

Wed, 23 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

I use AI daily in software work and see how it expands what one person can build. When technology lowers the barrier to entrepreneurship, policy must follow in the same direction.

The Government's YEL reform, Finland's self-employed persons' pension scheme, is currently in preparation. Its core measure improves on the status quo: entrepreneurs could soon base their YEL working income on either the pension provider's overall estimate or their taxable earned income. Petri Salminen, chair of Suomen Yrittäjät (the Federation of Finnish Enterprises), says the model addresses the pension-contribution problem facing low-income entrepreneurs.

Why does the YEL reform raise the barrier to entrepreneurship?

The proposal, however, contains three decisions that raise that barrier. It would abolish the current 22% discount on new entrepreneurs' YEL contributions for their first four years. The taxable-income model would still require working income of at least half of actual earnings, limiting its use for anyone testing entrepreneurship on the side. And the annual minimum YEL payment, set by the working-income floor of 9,423 euros a year, would stay unchanged, even though Mikro- ja yksinyrittäjät ry (the association for micro and solo entrepreneurs) had proposed lowering it.

Together, these three decisions raise the barrier just as technology is lowering it. The same shift is happening well beyond code. It holds for the freelance translator, the consultant, the cleaning professional: AI tools make scaling a business easier than ever before. I have written about how AI changes what developers get paid for, and the same structural shift reaches ever more fields.

Who is affected by scrapping the new-entrepreneur discount?

Scrapping it hits precisely the person who is only just crossing the threshold: the side-activity experimenter and the solo entrepreneur in their first years. Finland now needs to dismantle barriers to entrepreneurship, not add to them.

The new-entrepreneur discount should stay alongside the flexibility mechanism, since they solve different problems. The taxable-income model must also open to the side-activity entrepreneur without the half-of-income threshold, so the barrier to starting stays low. The insurance obligation's lower threshold must come down far enough that the mandatory annual payment no longer works as a barrier.

Why doesn't the flexibility mechanism help new entrepreneurs?

The flexibility mechanism is a genuine improvement for the established entrepreneur, who already has both good years and leaner ones behind them. The logic is sound: the new 25% flexibility band replaces the starter discount and targets it more precisely. Whoever is just crossing the threshold, however, faces a different problem.

A new entrepreneur does not yet have the track record against which flexibility could apply. As Mikael Pentikäinen, CEO of Suomen Yrittäjät, has said, the reform's freedom of choice remains limited. For someone just starting out, that freedom barely exists in practice.

A progressive, low-threshold YEL is a structural question. AI has pushed the marginal cost of starting a new business to a historic low, and a successful experiment can grow into a company that creates jobs and tax revenue. Social security needs to work seamlessly so that as many such experiments as possible can take place. Work and entrepreneurship keep the economy turning. A mandatory payment, levied before real income exists, is an incentive trap. Genuinely defending the market economy means dismantling exactly this kind of barrier.

Finland can choose whether it builds a growth platform for entrepreneurship or a barrier to it. Which will we choose?

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Kirkkonummi bypassed residents in planning forest logging

Wed, 16 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

On 10 September we proposed to Kirkkonummi's Urban Development Committee that the forest management action programme be returned for further preparation. The proposal did not pass. Kirkkonummi has decided separately in 2025, and more broadly in its municipal strategy, that residents are to be involved in measures concerning forests. This time the opportunity was not even offered. Local forests matter to a large share of residents and are a central part of the municipality's appeal. Residents should therefore be able to influence the logging done in these forests already at the planning stage.

What has Kirkkonummi promised residents about its forests?

The effects of a decision must be assessed and residents involved before the decision is taken, so that the information is available to support it. A decision proposal must rest on the documents and working methods the municipality has jointly agreed to guide local politics.

The municipality's own forest programme states: "Residents' opinions and comments are part of the process. These are collected and their effects considered before final approval." The municipal strategy, the council-approved document that guides the municipality's work more than any other, says: "Participation is a precondition for democracy." The strategy also defines diverse nature as a central value for the municipality. The municipality's decisions must always point in the same direction as the strategy, and following it is not optional.

Why is informing residents not the same as involving them?

Informing is not participation. Participation would be two-way. This time residents had no way to influence what measures are taken in their local forests before the action programme was approved.

What was missing from the decision material?

The municipal strategy also states that decisions are made "on the basis of high-quality preparation, high-quality information and advance assessment". No advance assessment is attached to the action programme. Nor should decisions be taken before the statements requested on them are available. This decision was taken before the sports services and land-use planning statements had been given. The environmental protection statement was not available either. The committee therefore had no way to assess the decision's effects on the environment.

How would genuine participation work?

The participation the municipal strategy defines as essential is achieved if the draft action programme is put on public display before it is put into effect. Residents would then also see the assessment the decision rests on.

Problems in the preparation are not limited to forests. We wrote together earlier about how public transport fare increases hit Kirkkonummi. The same pattern showed in the West Railway decision.

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Data Centres Can Be Finland's Ace in International Politics

Wed, 16 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

A leaked February 2026 US State Department cable revealed that Washington had instructed its diplomats to lobby against other states' data sovereignty initiatives and called the EU's data protection regulation unnecessarily burdensome. The episode shows how digital infrastructure has become a geopolitical battleground, and how hard it is for small countries like Finland to resist pressure from superpowers. Data centres can help here, provided we build them on our own terms.

In spring 2026, a case was reported in which a US tech giant shared emails from Dutch authorities with the US House of Representatives. Those authorities were responsible for overseeing the EU's Digital Services Act, which requires large digital platforms to be transparent about content moderation and risk management. If Finland and the EU fail to act decisively, we will lose our ability to influence.

Why are data centres foreign policy?

Digital services require physical components, and those components sit in data centres. Unlike a traditional industrial product, a service can be used and produced anywhere, but physical location determines whose rules it operates under. Data centres are not merely servers. They generate artificial intelligence, cloud services, and critical digital services ranging from banking to healthcare. They form part of today's core infrastructure, and therefore also part of our bargaining power. It has always been in Finland's interest to be part of the West's critical operations, be it copper, mobile phones, or icebreakers. Now it means data centres.

Data centres are not merely investments. They are foreign policy, and that is why they should not be built on just any terms. We must demand that they also serve Finland's interests.

On whose terms should data centres be built?

Data centres should be held to the same ecological sustainability standards as any other industry. Valuable natural sites must be protected, harms minimised and compensated, and low emissions pursued. Finland's clean electricity, cold climate, and the link between waste heat and district heating make data centres more sustainable here than elsewhere. The upcoming data centre in my home municipality, Kirkkonummi, is a good example, though such efficient waste-heat recovery is not yet the rule everywhere. Once complete, it is designed to produce waste heat covering roughly 40 per cent of district heating demand in Kirkkonummi, Espoo, and Kauniainen, replacing natural gas used there during peak demand.

What matters most for nature is permitting, zoning, and the pricing of harms. Emissions trading and spot electricity pricing already create strong incentives for energy efficiency, but wider use of waste heat depends more on zoning and permitting than on market signals. Suomen luonnonsuojeluliitto (the Finnish Association for Nature Conservation) has likewise argued against a new subsidy scheme for data centres and for factoring waste-heat use into siting decisions from the start, both consistent with a market-based approach.

Data centres can strengthen Finland's international standing, but only if we use our position as host state intelligently. Electricity and permitting are our leverage, but without sufficient European ownership and data sovereignty, that leverage remains incomplete. The United States pressures other countries on digital sovereignty because a host country's decisions affect its own companies' operations. The Dutch authorities' emails, however, are a reminder that physical location alone is not enough protection. Those emails sat on European servers, and they still ended up with the US House of Representatives. Genuine independence for European services therefore also requires capacity that is under European ownership and not subject to the control of foreign powers.

What does Finland gain from data centres?

A whole ecosystem also needs to grow up around data centres, as a network of phone-industry suppliers once did around Nokia. Grid infrastructure, industrial construction, and hardware, for instance, all offer considerable opportunity to capture added value in Finland. Finnish companies are already developing world-class cooling and power-distribution solutions. On that base, Finland can build high-level software and research work to compete in global markets. A significant share of the value then stays here, as wages, tax revenue, jobs, and know-how capital.

As a software developer, I have seen how dependence on foreign platforms builds up gradually. One feature, one interface, one service at a time. The same pattern is likely with data centres, except over decades, and unwinding it is a far bigger undertaking. That is why it is not a matter of indifference where these centres get built.

In Oulu, for example, an AI-ready data centre campus is planned, built by the Nordic cloud firm Glesys and Finnish real estate investor Trevian. The first phase is due in autumn 2026, capacity can be expanded many times over, and the premises are former Nokia facilities. Nordic-owned scaling options do exist. In Germany's Schleswig-Holstein, for instance, moving away from Microsoft software saves around €15 million a year in licence fees, after a one-off investment of around €9 million. Reducing dependence on a single supplier can also be economically sound.

Is there enough electricity for data centres in Finland?

Critics' concern about electricity prices is not entirely without merit. As individual electricity consumers, data centres are fairly large, and typically hedge against price swings with long-term, fixed-price contracts. Finland has, however, already permitted plenty of renewable electricity that is simply waiting for a long-term customer. The real bottleneck is the transmission grid, whose reinforcement is slow and falls to the public sector, plus supply adequacy during weeks of still, freezing weather.

Even then, more options exist than is often suggested: storing electricity as hydrogen, batteries, demand response, transmission links to Sweden and Norway, enabling wind power in eastern Finland, and data centres' own power plants and their ability to adjust consumption to price. Overall, there is enough electricity, and the decisive question is whether sufficient flexibility is built in time. Even though a recent study found demand response and data centres' own load management still only at the planning stage in many parts of Finland, I believe an undistorted price signal and a reinforced transmission grid will bring that flexibility forward in time.

Why is this being decided now?

What is being built now is the international infrastructure of coming decades. Bound up in it is not only environmental sustainability, but the bargaining power of the nation that hosts it. Physical hardware is, moreover, a concrete demonstration that Finland is worth investing in. Finland's stability is also in the interest of the owning company and its home state, once a valuable investment sits here. The more that is genuinely valuable here to foreign owners, the more parties have reason to support Finland's security and stability.

Either way, data centres will probably be built somewhere. Finland should use data centres as a strategic tool, but only if they are built on our terms.

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Stability Brings Investment, Erratic Policy Drives It Away

Thu, 10 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Google announced on Wednesday a €13 billion investment in Finland for 2027 and 2028, its largest single investment in Europe. The money funds the Hamina data centre expansion and new data centres in Kajaani, Vaala and Muhos. I build software for a living that runs on exactly this kind of infrastructure, so let me say it plainly: this money did not come to Finland chasing subsidies, it came because the electricity market works. Finland attracts capital when business conditions are predictable.

How Much of Google's €13 Billion Will Stay in Finland?

Roughly half of the €13 billion goes to computers and chips, so it will not directly raise Finland's GDP, estimates Sakari Lähdemäki, senior researcher at Etla Economic Research. The rest shows up as construction, tax revenue and permanent jobs in Kainuu, North Ostrobothnia and Kymenlaakso, before a single new data centre is even operating.

Google estimates the project will employ about 37,000 people across Finland during construction, about 16,000 in construction itself, and around 7,000 people a year once the centres are running. Even on generous figures, this is new money and new jobs Finland would not otherwise get, arriving without state debt or subsidies. The infrastructure stays here too, even if Google later scales back.

How large a share ultimately stays here depends on how much added value we generate in and around the data centres. The more that value is created with Finnish expertise and products, the less flows back out.

Why Is Google Building Its Own Power Generation in Finland?

Google also announced a 22-year power purchase agreement (PPA) with Fortum for up to half of the Loviisa nuclear plant's output from 2028, effectively a full reactor's output. The plant employs about 580 people and produces roughly a tenth of Finland's electricity, and would likely not have kept running past 2030 without this agreement.

The Loviisa agreement, however, is only part of the picture. Google has also secured dispatchable and weather-dependent generation:

two new wind power agreements, Valorem and Suomen Hyötytuuli, totalling 629 megawatts
a 94-megawatt battery storage near Kajaani, due by late 2027
a letter of intent on new nuclear power and demand response

The Loviisa deal, the wind power and the battery storage are privately financed, with no public subsidy or taxpayer risk, and the same principle covers the not-yet-binding letter of intent on new nuclear: if built, the buyer bears the risk, not the state. Oras Tynkkynen, chair of the Green parliamentary group, said on announcement day that attracting data centres needs, and should get, no extra subsidies. This is the toolkit for electricity scarcity: dispatchable generation, batteries and demand response, now delivered by private capital because the price signal said building pays off.

Why Would a Price Cap Break the Electricity Market?

A price cap would mute exactly the signal needed most when electricity is scarce. The price of electricity is the market mechanism at its best: when demand exceeds supply, price rises until they meet again. Yet Prime Minister Petteri Orpo said at the announcement: "The government is also preparing a price cap for ordinary households in case of a possible crisis."

I have said this before:

Electricity is always only as cheap as the most expensive generation method needed at that moment.

A high price is a feature of the market, making it profitable to offer more generation, batteries and demand response exactly when they are needed.

The Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment is preparing a draft bill (TEM081:00/2025) that would allow a price cap only if the Council of the EU declared an electricity price crisis, floored at 18 cents per kilowatt-hour excluding VAT; the bill is not yet submitted and is not expected in parliament until later this autumn. Such a narrow crisis cap would not itself halt any investment. Its damage lies elsewhere: once a price can be cut by political decision, every long contract prices that risk in as a higher required return. Finnish Energy (Energiateollisuus ry) said in its statement in March 2026: "The need to prepare for a price crisis exists, but we cannot support the proposed means."

Is Finland a Stable Investment Environment?

Not stable enough. The government moved data centres' electricity tax into the general bracket, from 0.05 to 2.24 cents per kilowatt-hour, worth about €47 million a year to the state. The change traces back to a spring 2025 decision to cancel a planned confectionery tax rise, covering the gap by cutting electricity tax relief for data centres and mines. The bracket change is defensible; a lower rate for industry generally deserves debate too. Google invested anyway, at the higher rate; the problem was an abrupt shift mid-calculation, with the government arguing over the rate for a year.

The consequences showed within six months:

in April 2025 Google's Antti Järvinen said: "the Finnish government's electricity tax plan puts investment calculations in a completely new position"
in October 2025 Google froze its Kajaani and Muhos investment decision pending the tax level

"Overall, though, it gives a poor impression of Finland as an investment environment." (Jukka Leskelä, Finnish Energy, 1 September 2026)

Antti Poikola, managing director of the Finnish Data Center Association (Datakeskusteollisuus ry), said on 2 September 2026 that the messages give the impression that "Finland is a fairly unreliable investment environment" and paint "a highly reactive and erratic picture". Promoting data centres is the association's job, but the point stands: the €13 billion investment came despite the lack of predictability, not because of it. Predictable regulation is what keeps the next investments coming. Oras Tynkkynen made the same point: "Being green is one of Finland's biggest advantages in tough international competition for investment, and policy cannot afford to squander it." The same unpredictability must not repeat with the price cap.

The market economy does not solve everything by itself. It is a tool that works when externalities are priced correctly and the rules stay the same no matter who tests them. Emissions trading and a well-functioning electricity market have done their part. Finland gets clean power and billion-euro investment when the price signal works undisturbed. The next test, however, is coming. If the government mutes the electricity price signal exactly when it is needed most, what guarantees the next investment will come to Finland?

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Raising HSL ticket prices is a mistake

Wed, 09 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Public transport fares will rise again. HSL, the Helsinki region transport authority, plans to raise fares by about three percent a year in its preliminary 2027–2029 plan. By the plan's end, prices would be nearly ten percent higher. That does not serve Kirkkonummi residents.

Why does a flat percentage hit Kirkkonummi hardest?

When fares rise by the same percentage in every zone, those living furthest away pay most. In Kirkkonummi that means commuters using public transport. Commuting and other regular trips to Helsinki require an ABCD ticket. Under HSL's current fare table, a 30-day season ticket costs an adult 121.80 euros. The same rise costs a Kirkkonummi resident more than someone travelling from Espoo, who can use a cheaper two- or three-zone ticket.

Why did we oppose the fare increases?

Member municipalities are submitting statements. Kirkkonummi's Urban Development Committee reviewed the statement earlier in August, the Municipal Board at month's end. We Greens opposed the fare increases. Raising ticket prices is not the way to balance HSL's finances. Kirkkonummi zones station areas and rail corridors so growth follows the train, and that only pays off if the train remains an alternative to the car. Every increase narrows the gap the zoning strategy depends on.

What would fix HSL's funding model?

HSL's finances are strained, but large fare increases will not fix that. Operating costs keep rising, and larger municipal contributions would burden municipalities heavily. The choice is not between raising prices and doing nothing. The consultation round is when municipalities can demand the funding model be fixed, by ending the infrastructure compensation agreement, under which other HSL municipalities fund big cities' infrastructure projects, improving HSL's finances and spreading costs more fairly.

Who will travel by public transport ten years from now?

A rail connection is basic infrastructure, like a road or a water main. As public transport costs shift onto the user year by year, the service becomes one only the well-off can afford. In a municipality Kirkkonummi's size, this happens fast. For many, the car is already the only realistic option, and an expensive ticket makes it sensible. Yet the municipality's strategy wants more public transport use. That is the contradiction.

A single fare increase is small, but these increases will decide whether Kirkkonummi residents travel by public transport or by car ten years from now.

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Open Source Is the Cornerstone of Digital Independence

Tue, 08 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

The European Commission published its technology sovereignty package in June. Digital independence does not mean doing everything ourselves. It is the ability to repair and replace what we bring in from outside. Open source is the cornerstone of that ability.

What does digital independence require?

According to the Commission's package, the EU currently spends roughly 264 billion euros a year, mostly on closed-source American software and cloud services. The package also includes a multi-year strategy to support open source and broaden its adoption across Europe. Germany already funds open-source maintenance through its Sovereign Tech Fund programme, and France through its Horizon Numérique 2030 initiative. The same choice repeats at every level: digital independence is built one step at a time, not with a single decision.

Why is a closed system a risk?

I have built software on top of major international platforms and seen that we cannot do everything ourselves. All software is built on the work of others, and dependency is unavoidable. What matters is its form.

A closed system is a black box. When it breaks, when the price multiplies, when sanctions cut off access, there is no alternative. Open source is like any machine you can repair yourself: its parts can be replaced, its supplier switched, its code audited. To be digitally independent, each layer of the system must be either replaceable, or open and repairable by us.

Is open source fragile?

Some open-source projects are maintained by a single volunteer, but that does not mean all open source is fragile. The funding gap can, for example, be closed by the financing model Germany has already launched and by the maintenance instrument the Commission has published.

Open code also brings a new kind of security in the age of AI. A language model can read open source, but it cannot reach closed code. When a user's problem is not solved by the manual, AI can help in an entirely different way when the code is there to read, no matter how many people maintain the project. The risk is not open source. The risk is ignorance.

Does open source create business?

Industrial-scale, global businesses have been built on top of open source. The Commission's package names two examples: the Finnish company Aiven and the German company SUSE, whose product is built on Linux, open-source software developed in Finland.

Openness does not block business; it smooths it. Connecting to a service whose code is open is easier than working blind behind a closed interface. An open implementation can also be extended and have services built on top of it. A business built on top of a closed product, by contrast, depends on the product itself and its development path, and when the supplier changes direction, the add-on service is at its mercy.

Does open source mean isolation?

Open source does not mean isolation. Europe cannot build a fully self-sufficient technology stack, nor should it try to. Sovereignty means staying open to the world while retaining control over what we bring in. A machine you can repair yourself can still be bought abroad, but a black box cannot be opened even at home. The same question of whose jurisdiction applies touches software and cloud alike.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) announced in October 2025 that it would switch from Microsoft's office tools to the German open-source Open Desk, after the United States imposed sanctions on the Court's judges and prosecutors. According to the strategy the Commission has published, software built with public funds must be public code. The same principle scales from a small municipality's procurement all the way up to the Union.

When the next decision on public-sector IT systems comes to the table, the question is not only price or country of origin. It is also whether we buy a black box or a repairable machine.

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Airbus Chose Scaleway Partly Because of Jurisdiction

Mon, 07 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Companies buy cloud services for even their most critical systems, and server location alone no longer answers the security question. What matters is which country's laws govern the provider itself.

Why is Airbus moving its systems to Scaleway?

A fresh example comes from European aircraft manufacturer Airbus. The Register reported in July that Airbus is moving about 70 critical applications from Amazon's cloud to French provider Scaleway. The move is part of a broader programme, Minimum Viable Company: the core systems keeping Airbus running in a crisis. The first phase is due by 2028.

Airbus chose Scaleway on more than price or technical performance alone. According to the paper, Airbus weighed bids on technical performance, operational resilience, and legal safeguards, with the jurisdiction question falling under the last of these. Scaleway's bid was commercially competitive against the industry's cloud giants.

What does jurisdiction mean in practice?

This is an ordinary risk assessment. Server location shows where data physically sits, not who can access it by administrative order. That is determined by which country's laws govern the provider. The US CLOUD Act requires US companies to hand over data they hold to the authorities, even if physically in Europe. That is why jurisdiction belongs among the other procurement criteria, such as delivery reliability, data security, and price. It is one line in the risk assessment, not a special case.

Is a European version of the cloud enough?

Large cloud providers now offer European versions of their services, keeping data within the EU with European staff. This does not, however, remove the underlying question. As long as the parent is American, the CLOUD Act likely reaches its European subsidiary too. Industry experts say ultimate control in practice usually rests where the company is legally domiciled.

What ultimately matters?

What matters is not the provider's nationality. What matters is authority, whose laws govern data access. The same applies equally to an American, French, or Chinese provider. Building critical operations on a single provider's cloud also builds path dependency.

Airbus did not make its decision on principle. It made it on a risk assessment. The same assessment can be made by anyone unwilling to wonder whose hands their data is in.

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Three ways to make entrepreneurship easier

Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Entrepreneurship takes courage. It is diligence, organisational skill, and a readiness to take responsibility for one's own actions and often for those of others too. But in Finland and the EU there are too many barriers around entrepreneurship that serve no one – not the entrepreneur, not the employee, and not society.

The Market Greens' solutions rest on the market mechanism: when regulation is consistent, predictable, and light, the market itself finds the most effective solutions. When the barriers are dismantled, the potential of entrepreneurship and sustainable growth is unleashed. Below are three concrete ways.

Method 1/3: The biggest promise of the YEL reform goes unfulfilled – the lowest-earning entrepreneur paid the price

The entrepreneur's pension insurance (YEL) was supposed to be reformed so that it would finally be based on actual earned income. The government's draft bill from June 2026 is a clear disappointment: the principle is acknowledged as correct, but there is no courage to implement it consistently. The Federation of Finnish Enterprises has raised the same criticism.

A low-income or beginning entrepreneur still runs into the same unclear and artificial YEL lower limit as before. The lower limit of the insurance obligation remains estimate-based, and real-time earned income is not even pursued. In practice, income data can be as much as two years old. The discount for beginning entrepreneurs has been removed entirely and replaced with payment flexibility, but the payments never flex below the minimum charge, even if there is no income at all. The entrepreneur is always left with a monthly charge of at least around 200 euros, whether there is income or not.

If an entrepreneur falls ill, the payments are not suspended unless the sick leave lasts at least three months. That is not the kind of help an ill entrepreneur typically needs.

The Greens' deputy chair Allu Pyhälammi and the party council's deputy chair Pyry Väre have demanded that the charge should be progressive, instead of the full percentage kicking in immediately at a certain threshold. The government's bill did not take this up. The intention was to make the system more understandable and clearer, but in that it succeeded very poorly. The Greens' economic policy programme has long called for the YEL system to be reformed.

The Market Greens' solutions:

YEL payments must be based on actual, real-time earned income – not on two-year-old data or estimates. When the payments reflect real market income, the system is fair and predictable. The entrepreneur can plan their business without the pension insurance becoming a hidden tax that does not match actual earnings.

Flexibility during illness immediately, not only after three months. If an entrepreneur falls ill and income vanishes, the payments must be cut off at once. An inflexible minimum charge is an artificial barrier that deprives the entrepreneur of the ability to weather the market's natural dips.

Fix the funding of the YEL system. The state's funding share grows, but no funding reserve for the system is established. The lack of sustainable financing shifts the burden onto entrepreneurs, who pay disproportionately high charges relative to the protection they receive. With sustainable financing, the payments can be allocated fairly.

"The YEL as planned, after the reform, hampers or sometimes even prevents starting up a business beyond 'garage scale'."

— Minna Roukkio-Taipale

Method 2/3: A clear definition of entrepreneurship and of when it ends

Business activity that ended in bankruptcy has given the entrepreneur a huge amount of expertise and experience. Yet in Finland bankruptcy carries a stigma of failure, one that the harsh bankruptcy legislation reinforces. A payment default entry can prevent obtaining a start-up grant and opening a business account at the bank. The Tax Administration can refuse to enter a new company in the prepayment register solely because of a bankruptcy. The Federation of Finnish Enterprises has made the same point: the return of someone who has gone bankrupt to entrepreneurship should be made easier. The Greens' solutions to over-indebtedness state that "we want a society in which failure is not a shame, but a new beginning".

The basic idea of the market economy is that failure is part of the process. An entrepreneur who has learned from their mistakes is a more valuable resource on the next round. If the system prevents a new start, it loses the most precious capital: experience.

The Market Greens' solutions:

A new company after bankruptcy without barriers. We remove the Tax Administration's right to refuse the founding of a new company when the bankruptcy involves no misconduct and the entrepreneur is under no business ban. The market decides whether an entrepreneur is trustworthy, not an authority that punishes them merely for a failure.

A payment default does not prevent entrepreneurship. We ensure that a payment default entry does not prevent a start-up grant from being granted or a business account from being opened. The applicant's situation is assessed case by case and in an entrepreneurship-friendly way. By targeting the start-up grant at entrepreneurship rather than at payment history, society makes use of existing expertise by returning it to the market.

Deducting the debts of a wound-up company. We make it possible to deduct the payment of a wound-up company's debts in the entrepreneur's personal taxation. This lowers the cost of failure and encourages new business activity.

"I dream of entrepreneurship and have drafted a preliminary business plan. With these solutions I might dare to try my wings."

— Johanna Muurinen

Method 3/3: Clearing the barriers to hiring the first employee

Many entrepreneurs would like to grow and employ people, but hiring the first employee is seen as too great a risk. Indirect costs, bureaucracy, and uncertainty make the recruitment threshold high. This threshold prevents companies from growing and societal benefits from arising. According to the Greens' industrial policy programme, hiring the first employees is seen as too great a risk, and lowering this threshold would enable a company to grow.

The market mechanism works only if the threshold to grow is reasonable. When a company wants to employ people, it should be encouraged, not punished. Removing the indirect costs of the first employee is an investment in the expansion of the market and in employment.

The Market Greens' solutions:

Away with the indirect costs of the first employee. We temporarily free a self-employed entrepreneur from the indirect costs concerning the first employee. When the cost of hiring is lower at the first stage, the market creates jobs naturally.

A new pay-subsidy model for the first employee. We create a pay-subsidy model aimed precisely at a micro-enterprise's first hire. Targeted support lowers the threshold and gives the market a signal: growing is worth it.

Lightening employer duties for private individuals. We ease the bureaucracy of acting as an employer for private individuals by creating suitable models for insurance and occupational health care. When hiring is easy, the market expands from the bottom up.

"I grew up in an entrepreneurial family and have been an entrepreneur myself, so I know what a big step and what a financial risk hiring the first employee can be. This threshold is worth lowering, because for a small company the first employee can be the start of growth and of new jobs being created."

— Ulla Santti

Bonus – the EU packaging regulation holds back e-commerce expansion

The EU's new Packaging and Packaging Waste Regulation (PPWR) has applied since 12 August 2026. Its goal is good: less waste, more recycling. The Greens' programmes support reducing packaging materials and taxing single-use packaging. But the implementation hits small online shops especially hard. Iltalehti also reported on the regulation's blow to small entrepreneurs.

If a small online shop wants to sell packaged products directly to a consumer in another EU country, it has to register, report its packaging, pay extended producer responsibility (EPR) fees, and possibly appoint a local representative separately in each of the 27 EU countries. If it exports to ten countries, the same process is gone through ten times. For a one-person craft business, a specialty retailer, or a small online shop, the costs can exceed all the sales obtainable from the target country. According to Ilta-Sanomat, an entrepreneur who wants to sell directly to a customer in another EU country has to figure out that country's system, conclude an agreement with a producer responsibility organisation, and pay a recycling fee – in each country separately.

The basic idea of the single market is one union, one set of rules. When every member state demands its own registration, its own fee, and its own representative, the single market does not work. This is a state of affairs contrary to the market mechanism, one that favours large companies and stifles small ones.

The primary solution: a single EU-level one-stop shop for packaging producer responsibility. One registration, one declaration, one fee – not 27 separate national registers. Just as VAT has an OSS/IOSS system to enable a single registration, a unified EU-level declaration and payment channel for producer responsibility is needed. This is the solution with which the environmental goal and entrepreneurship can be reconciled. When the rules are uniform across the whole single market, competition is conveyed through price and quality, not through the ability to get through bureaucracy.

A light model for micro-enterprises inside the one-stop shop. Once the one-stop shop exists, a light reporting practice is built inside it for micro- and sole entrepreneurs (under 10 employees, turnover under €2M), in which the packaging recycling fees and reporting stay reasonable relative to sales. The EU regulation stipulates that small producers must not be subjected to an unreasonable burden – this principle must be made to live within the one-stop shop.

"The EU's strength is the large single market, where companies from Finland to Portugal can compete on open markets. The EU's packaging regulation breaks this principle and sets up artificial barriers on the market."

— Lauri Lavanti

Why is this statement here too?

I am one of the authors of this statement. The Market Greens are the Greens' pro-market network that I founded – I am publishing the statement on my own site as well, because entrepreneurship is one of the focus areas of my parliamentary campaign. More Market Green posts are on the category page, and the original version of the statement is on the Market Greens' site.

Entrepreneurship needs no new subsidy contraptions, but fewer artificial barriers. When regulation is light, consistent, and predictable, the market rewards courage and diligence – not the ability to get through bureaucracy. Come and help build a Finland where being an entrepreneur pays off and where the market serves people.

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David's Sling Is Proof That Europe Has Failed

Wed, 02 Sep 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Finland's defence cooperation with Israel made headlines this weekend amid heated debate. I want to offer one more perspective. David's Sling was the right procurement decision, and that is exactly why it proves Europe has failed.

First, the values. The war in Gaza is horrific, and the suffering of Palestinian civilians must end. Israel and Hamas must be pressured by every means that does not compromise our defence capability. This is non-negotiable. At the same time, a state's first duty is protecting its own citizens. The two are not mutually exclusive; reconciling them is exactly what this debate is about.

Why Was David's Sling the Right Procurement Decision?

A defining feature of Finnish defence is that the Defence Forces are built from ordinary citizens. National security does not rest on a professional army. Defending Finland is ultimately the responsibility of conscripts, reservists, and, in a crisis, the whole of society. So the key measure for defence procurement is not political symbolism, but how much security we get per euro.

Every euro spent wisely means more ammunition, spare parts, training, drones, and protection for those who defend us all. In defence, cost-efficiency is not about spending less; it is maximising security.

In public debate, David's Sling is often compared to the American Patriot system. Patriot is unquestionably capable, but for Finland the question is not which system is best known or most expensive: it is which system delivers the required capability at the best overall cost. David's Sling is a system worth roughly €316 million, whose interceptor missile costs, according to public comparisons, a fraction of its best-known competitors' missiles.

The Finnish Procurement Tradition

This mindset has been a strength of Finnish defence policy for decades. Finland bought a hundred used Leopard tanks from the Netherlands for €199.9 million, a price often called close to scrap value. The same logic applied to K9 howitzers: Finland has bought used but excellent-condition units from South Korea at a fraction of the price of new ones, the latest being 112 this spring.

Finland buys capability. David's Sling continues this same tradition.

What Does David's Sling Reveal About Europe's Defence Industry?

Now for the uncomfortable part. When Finland put its high-altitude air defence capability out to competitive tender, not a single European system was competitive. The best option available was found outside Europe. That is a failure of European defence industrial policy, not the Defence Forces'.

I would have much preferred Finland to buy an equivalent system from Europe, not because a European system would automatically be better, but because Europe should be able to offer competitive alternatives even in the most critical defence systems. Building such systems takes tens of billions in investment and decades of seamless cooperation between states, universities, and industry.

Dependence on difficult suppliers is a security risk, whatever the supplier. The war in Gaza makes dependence on Israeli defence technology a particularly uncomfortable fact. But the answer is not for Finland to make a worse procurement decision in the name of political symbolism. The answer is for Europe to build a defence industry that wins competitive tenders on capability, price, and delivery reliability.

Transparency Is Part of National Defence

One more word on process. The memorandum of understanding revealed by Yle is a different matter from the actual 2023 procurement decision, which is exactly why this debate deserves precision. The memorandum is most likely a key instrument for keeping David's Sling supplied with missiles and spare parts, because buying a system binds the buyer to its supplier's maintenance and replenishment for decades. Its substance may well be justified from a defence-capability standpoint. The problem is the manner. Commitments this significant must be long-term and agreed on a parliamentary basis, not made in secret. Secrecy erodes the very trust that national defence depends on.

To me, this is patriotism. We protect Finns with wisely spent euros while demanding better from Europe. A nuclear-armed state is waging war in Europe right now, and European countries are indirectly bound up in it. That is exactly why, next time Finland puts a critical system out to tender, the best bid should come from Europe. That is a goal worth working towards.

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Running for parliament in 2027: Finland needs digital independence in the age of AI

Wed, 26 Aug 2026 00:00:00 GMT

I'm Lauri Lavanti, a Kirkkonummi municipal councillor and the Greens' parliamentary candidate in the Uusimaa electoral district for the 2027 election. I want Finland to secure its digital independence in the age of AI. I'm one of the founders of the Digital Independence citizens' initiative, which gathered the required 50,000 signatures in July 2026. The initiative will be submitted to parliament after the spring 2027 election, so that the new parliament has time to consider it in full. I want to build a Finland that uses AI and technology on its own terms, where no one gets left behind.

To me, politics means taking care of shared matters, sustainably and across party lines. Openness, honesty, and listening to different views matter, especially on hard questions.

What expertise do I bring to parliament?

I hold an MSc from Aalto University and work as a lead developer, with more than 10 years of experience building secure software and banking services. I want to bring that practical expertise into parliament, so decisions actually serve everyday life for Finns.

Finland has spent decades building world-class technology, in companies, universities, and through their collaboration: from Vaisala to icebreakers, from Nokia to Linux and Supercell, to ICEYE and IQM. AI opens a new chapter in that story, but it requires parliament to understand what the technology actually demands in practice.

My campaign rests on three pillars: the economy, education, and freedom.

Why does vendor dependency cost taxpayers?

I'm demanding that public AI and digital procurement be built open and portable, so vendor dependency doesn't drain tax money year after year. My example is eVaka, the open-source early childhood education system developed jointly by Espoo, Tampere, Oulu, and Turku. More than ten municipalities already benefit from it, and because the costs are shared, it saves money every year. The same principle has to apply to AI procurement: openness and portability need to be procurement conditions from day one.

How does education stay equal in the age of AI?

Skills need to stay current throughout life and be equally available to everyone, from vocational training to higher education. I'm deeply concerned about the funding cuts to both vocational and university education — diverse expertise is the foundation of Finland's competitiveness.

I want to highlight the role of libraries in particular: they're one of the few places that offer free access to knowledge and skills without harvesting user data. In the age of AI, that makes them essential guardians of equality.

How does AI threaten fundamental rights?

AI makes mass surveillance technically easier, which is exactly why legislation has to hold the line on fundamental rights. I've written before about why the European Parliament was right to reject the chat control proposal: the same principle applies to any automatic scanning of private messages.

Without strong privacy protection, democracy cannot function, and AI must never be used to weaken it. Fundamental rights have to be the starting point for all legislation, not a variable.

What does digital independence mean?

The economy, education, and freedom come together in my campaign as one central goal: digital independence. That doesn't mean isolation — it means building genuine domestic and European alternatives for when we need them. I've written before about why digital independence is a necessity and how it's built one step at a time.

My case is backed by solid research: according to a survey published by Sitra and the Finnish Business and Policy Forum (EVA) in May 2026, 77 percent of Finns believe Europe needs to reduce its technological and economic dependence on the United States, even while still viewing it as an important security partner. That widespread concern now calls for concrete action.

My vision is clear: in the age of AI, Finland can see new companies and new jobs emerge, while everyone's freedom stays guaranteed even as technology develops fast, and no one gets left behind.

Corrected 26 September 2026: the citizens' initiative will be submitted to parliament only after the election.

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Digital independence: 5 + 1 choices for everyday life

Wed, 12 Aug 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Digital independence means that Finland and Finns use technology on their own terms, rather than depending on the platforms of a single continent. It is not built through politics alone, but in every everyday choice, and it strengthens digital security of supply along the way. I have written before about why digital independence is a necessity and how it is built one procurement step at a time. This piece focuses on what you can do yourself.

What does digital independence mean in everyday life?

In everyday life, digital independence means that you choose who handles your messages, your searches and your files. When you use European or open-source services, your data is not left dependent on one continent's legislation or a single company's terms. At the same time, you make yourself less dependent on services whose availability can change with the political situation.

Why do your own choices matter?

A single choice can feel small, but every choice shapes demand. When you choose a European or open service, you grow the market for alternatives and strengthen digital security of supply, much as energy security of supply is built from many sources. That demand is not meaningless: in a survey by Sitra and Elinkeinoelämän valtuuskunta (EVA, the Finnish Business and Policy Forum), 77 percent of Finns felt that Europe should reduce its technological and economic dependence on the United States. Finns understand the difference between security cooperation and technological dependence.

What are the 5 + 1 ways to strengthen digital independence and security of supply?

These six choices will get you started. Some strengthen European independence, others open-source software and privacy. For each one, you will see what it replaces and which value it rests on.

1. Switch your search engine and browser

Your search engine sees what you look for. German Ecosia and French Qwant are European search engines that do not sell your searches to advertisers. Ecosia also uses its revenue to plant trees. For a browser, Firefox is a good fit: its open Gecko engine does not depend on Google's technology. Firefox's maker, Mozilla, is American, so this choice is about openness rather than European jurisdiction. Firefox is not tied to the ecosystems of the big tech companies, and it is maintained by a foundation. For example, the European Parliament switched its default search engine to Qwant in June 2026.

2. Use LibreOffice when you need a word processor or spreadsheet

LibreOffice is a free, open-source office suite that does what Microsoft Office does. It works in Finnish and saves files in the open ODF format, which does not lock you into one manufacturer's file format. An open format is itself a way of strengthening digital independence. When your files are in an open format, you can always switch programs. Germany's state of Schleswig-Holstein replaced Microsoft's software with LibreOffice and Linux and estimates it will save around €15 million per year in licence fees, even after investing around €9 million in the transition.

3. Message your friends and family on Signal

Signal is an open-source messaging app whose messages are end-to-end encrypted, so no outsider can read them. It is a direct replacement for Facebook-owned WhatsApp. Signal is run by an American foundation, so it is above all a privacy choice. If you want a European alternative, Element on the Matrix network or Swiss Threema are options, though their user numbers are smaller.

4. Choose your next phone with care

Your phone is your most personal device. Finnish Jolla makes phones whose Sailfish operating system runs without depending on Google's or Apple's ecosystems. The company's founders come from Nokia's former MeeGo team, and Jolla is the clearest step towards digital independence. If you do not want to switch operating systems, domestic Swappie sells refurbished phones. That is above all a sustainable choice and supports a Finnish company, though a refurbished iPhone stays within Apple's ecosystem. Two different values to choose between.

5. Switch to a European email provider

Your email is the key to many other services. German Tuta Mail and Swiss Proton Mail are privacy-protecting email services whose messages are encrypted. Both also suit businesses, and Tuta is committed to using only renewable electricity. Note that Switzerland is not an EU member, though it has a strong data protection law (the nFADP).

+ 1. Try European AI

Many people now use AI in everyday life, and although the most popular services are American, Europe has alternatives too. French Mistral has grown into a significant European AI player, and Proton's Swiss Lumo combines AI with strict privacy. Lumo relies on open models, so its European character rests on Proton's jurisdiction and no-logs policy, not on a Swiss flagship model.

How can you tell a service is genuinely European?

European origin is a verifiable characteristic. Not everything that looks European is: for example, the password manager Passwork markets itself as European, even though it has Russian origins, and many people consider DuckDuckGo European when it is in fact American. So check the service's home base and ownership, favour open-source software that anyone can inspect, and look at which country's laws your data falls under.

Digital independence means acting on your own terms, not isolating yourself from the rest of the world. None of these choices demands everything at once. Start with one and see how it feels. When enough people make the same choice, it grows into a market, and a market grows into security of supply.

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Finland Can Turn Electrification Into a Competitive Edge

Wed, 29 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Caruna, Finland's largest power distribution company, is changing owners as Spanish energy company Iberdrola has agreed to buy a majority stake. The deal valued the company at roughly five billion euros. Because power grids are a natural monopoly, they are however heavily regulated, and the change of ownership matters less than the commentary might suggest.

Why isn't power supply the bottleneck?

Data centers, along with electrifying industry, transport and heating, are putting growing strain on the power grid. At the same time, Finland has already permitted more clean power production than can be built in the coming years. The University of Helsinki's recent data center study also finds that the bottleneck isn't power supply — it's the transmission grid.

Does ownership decide the grid's future?

Complex systems rarely have simple solutions, and the power grid is a good example. It is a technically complex whole that must always stay in balance, and it is tied to the transmission grid's natural monopoly, which only works when carefully regulated. Pricing is supervised regardless of the owner, and major electricity consumers, such as data centers, connect to Fingrid's national grid. Capital for strengthening the grid is welcome. Ownership doesn't decide the grid's future. What matters most is sound regulation.

Can the new owner raise transmission fees freely?

A new owner can certainly raise transmission fees, but not freely. The Energy Authority supervises whether pricing is reasonable. Regulation tied to grid investment limits increases. Regardless of ownership, strengthening the grid is ultimately paid for by the consumer, whether through transmission fees or taxes.

Whether Finland's power grid enables electrification at scale is largely up to political decision-makers. At its best, Finland can turn electrification into a competitive edge. Clean power production and a resilient power grid are the infrastructure modern services are built on.

I've also written more about infrastructure: about digital independence and about the West Railway.

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More Markets!

Tue, 28 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Political rigidity, economic inefficiency, and the protection of incumbent players have brought Finland to a standstill. It is time to harness the market mechanism to solve the challenges of the economy, the climate, and our cities more effectively.

The market economy solves the problems we set for it

The market economy is an efficient tool, but the rules of the market determine what that efficiency actually achieves. Right now we use markets well in some respects, but at the expense of the common good in others. In addition, some players remain structurally shielded from genuinely competitive markets. We want to change this!

For too long, market-friendly voters in Finland have only had bad options to choose from. The old parties' approach is characterized by pro-business politics — protecting the interests of established players and keeping inefficient businesses on life support. That is not market-friendliness in favor of healthy competition; it is making it harder for new entrants to access the market and blocking the creative destruction the economy needs to renew itself.

We want to promote a better pro-market politics that makes it easier for new entrants and healthy competition to emerge. That does not mean blindly deregulating markets, but rather directing markets to solve the right problems.

This means that harms — such as pollution, the burden on nature, congestion, or the reservation of public urban space — must be priced. When externalities carry the right price tag, businesses and consumers get a continuous incentive to reduce harm. Markets often steer behavior more effectively than centralized micromanagement by politicians. The role of politicians is to define goals and rules of the game for markets, while leaving competition and innovation room to find the best solutions.

At the same time, we correct today's injustice: when whoever causes the harm pays more, the burden on other taxpayers is lightened. Responsibility becomes an economic advantage. This opens up markets for sustainable business and new companies.

The Greens are Finland's leading market-liberal party. We do not build our economic policy on protecting old structures or individual business interest groups; instead, we defend open competition, new entrants, and functioning markets.

Unlike the major right-wing and left-wing parties, we have no ties to old structures or companies that need protecting. Among the established large parties, this shows up as an unwillingness to cut subsidies that preserve the status quo.

We, the Market Greens, want more markets where the political left fails with its overly detailed regulation and the political right fails with its pro-business politics. At the same time, we want to build markets that better serve people and the environment.

We propose five measures to fix the situation:

Demand 1/5: More markets in transport

Right now, taxpayers subsidize regional flights to the tune of tens of millions of euros every year. This causes many kinds of problems, such as unnecessary climate emissions and money wasted on half-empty flights. It also distorts competition between different modes of transport and puts cities in an unequal position: some regional flights receive only partial subsidies, while the state pays for others in full.

It is not the job of public authorities to prop up demand for a mode of transport that cannot survive on market terms, but to ensure that different modes of transport compete on as level a playing field as possible.

All modes of transport, from cars and trains all the way to airplanes, should be based on fair competition that takes into account the harms each mode causes. The choice should belong to the individual, not the state. If someone wants to fly from Jyväskylä to Helsinki, they can do so at their own expense, without the public purse paying for it.

Demand 2/5: More markets in public procurement

The public sector is a massive buyer in Finland. Billions of euros' worth of public procurement is carried out every year, so it has a major effect on the whole national economy and on how markets function. When procurement is done well, it increases competition, helps companies grow, improves services, and steers markets toward more responsible solutions. When it is done poorly, it locks the public sector into old suppliers, drives up costs, and shuts out challengers.

According to the Finnish Competition and Consumer Authority (KKV), public procurement suffers from "alarmingly little competition": about half of all tenders receive at most three bids, and more than a thousand procurements a year receive only a single bid. When competition is scarce, the public sector's negotiating position weakens and the risk of excessive costs grows. Genuinely functioning competition helps ensure that contracts go to the companies best able to deliver services with quality, responsibility, and cost-efficiency.

Too often, public procurement is structured in a way where only large, established players can succeed. Contracts are bundled into oversized packages, reference requirements favor incumbent suppliers, and tenders specify the solution so precisely that companies have no room to innovate. This is not genuine market economy — it is competition in name only.

The Market Green solution is to open up public procurement to genuine competition. Contracts should be sensibly broken into smaller lots so that SMEs and growth companies can also take part. Unnecessary reference and turnover requirements should be relaxed whenever they are not genuinely relevant. The public sector should engage in more market dialogue before tenders, so that it does not inadvertently design a contract that fits only one old supplier.

At the same time, procurement should reward responsible operators. The public sector should not look only at the lowest purchase price, but at quality, lifecycle, impact, and responsibility, in a market-driven way.

Demand 3/5: More markets in urban transport

Especially in the Helsinki metropolitan area, road congestion has been a growing problem for a long time now. This has led to plans for a city-center tunnel costing as much as €1.4 billion, which would significantly raise the local municipal tax rate. The tunnel would have to be built with tax money, because if it were financed through usage fees, the price would be so steep that almost no one would use it (a 2013 estimate put it at €7.5 per trip).

Rather than blasting a billion-euro tunnel through the bedrock, it is far easier and more sensible to solve road congestion using the market mechanism. Dynamic road-usage charges hand the choice of the best solution to the road users themselves. You can choose to drive during the morning commute if you feel it is worth the few euros in road charges. In return, you get significantly smoother traffic and faster journeys, as some people switch to other modes of transport. In addition, some trips will simply not be made at all, if they are not deemed worth those few euros.

Experience with road-usage charges has been so positive that not a single city that has introduced them has later abandoned them. Stockholm, for example, trialed road charges for seven months in 2006. The charges reduced congestion and improved air quality, so the city's residents voted in a referendum that September to make the charges permanent. Drivers, too, value smooth traffic so much that once the benefits have been experienced, no one has wanted to go back to the old system.

Let's make it possible to introduce road-usage charges here too, so that growing cities have more tools to pursue more sensible, more market-driven transport policy.

Demand 4/5: More markets in urban space

Finnish cities typically require developers to build a certain number of parking spaces for every new building. In practice, this parking minimum means that the true price of a parking space is hidden from the market.

Building a parking space in central Helsinki costs tens of thousands of euros. However, this cost is hidden inside the price of homes and commercial premises, and drivers often do not pay it directly. The result is a market distortion: public urban space and expensive construction costs are subsidized for driving at the expense of everyone else — including those who get around by bike or public transport.

Parking minimums also raise the cost of housing. When every new residential building must include the mandated number of parking spaces regardless of residents' actual needs, construction costs rise and are ultimately passed on to home prices. In the worst cases, building a parking garage costs residents more than they would be willing to pay for a parking space on the free market.

A better outcome would be reached by leaving the decision on the number of parking spaces to the market: once parking minimums are abolished, developers and residents can decide for themselves how many parking spaces are needed. In areas with good public transport, fewer parking spaces will be built and housing will become cheaper. In areas where a car is essential, the market will produce parking spaces to match demand. Urban space is freed up for more efficient use, the cost of housing falls, and mobility is guided by market forces.

Abolishing parking minimums is an example of how removing market distortions can give us a city that is both economically more efficient and more humane, while also reducing unnecessarily detailed regulation.

Demand 5/5: More markets in forestry and agriculture

The failure of climate policy has led to poor incentives and to taxpayers having to pay for the consequences of harmful activity by old industries.

This particularly concerns the land-use sector and its share of our climate targets. Emissions from forests and agricultural land have become a major problem, and action now requires politicians to summon the will and courage to improve the situation.

In practice, this means that, for example, the cost of climate emissions caused by the forest industry is falling on taxpayers to cover. Above all, this creates a serious incentive problem, because when taxpayers foot the bill, the forest industry has no economic incentive to change its practices.

Because solutions have been left to horse-trading between politicians and lobbyists, effective action is not moving forward and Finland's carbon sinks keep shrinking. The land-use sector needs to be brought into a rigorous, market-based emissions trading system. When a clear market price is put on the carbon balance, markets respond and find the most sensible solutions. This would also make the forest industry's marketing claims about the world's best forestry practices come true to a greater degree.

Let's create markets for carbon sequestration and nature restoration. When capturing carbon acquires monetary value, forest owners and rural entrepreneurs can gain new sources of income from ecologically sustainable solutions. Harmful and inefficient drainage of peatland forests loses its profitability, while continuous-cover forestry becomes profitable without a single subsidy scheme. Efficient carbon sequestration becomes a new, productive form of business. When the polluter pays, others no longer have to cover the cost of pollution out of their own pockets.

Summary: markets solve problems more efficiently and more fairly

We do not believe in an unregulated wild west, but neither do we believe in central planning or in politicians' omniscience, especially when it comes to the specific means used. When a real market price is placed on activities that cause major harm, such as the fossil economy or the overconsumption of urban space, incentives finally point in the right direction.

When markets handle the pricing, the bill for irresponsibility no longer ends up with someone else, and we put an end to today's racket, in which irresponsibility is subsidized out of other people's pockets. The polluter pays, and whoever causes little harm saves money. That is both fair and economically efficient.

It is the job of politicians to set the framework and define the rules of the game, and it is the job of markets to handle the rest, dynamically and efficiently. A well-functioning market economy is a tool for building a more sustainable, more prosperous, and more humane society. The market mechanism is not a magic wand, but under current conditions, the opportunities it offers are not being used enough.

Join us in building a better market economy for Finland — one that works even harder for our shared wellbeing!

Why is this programme here too?

I am involved with the Market Greens and one of the signatories of this programme. The market mechanism is the most efficient invention humanity has for allocating resources — now it must be harnessed for good. I am publishing the programme on my own site as well, because market-green thinking and the economy are at the core of my parliamentary campaign. We wrote in more detail about dismantling the barriers to entrepreneurship in the Entrepreneur's Day statement, and the whole network is at markkinavihreat.fi.

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The flag is up. What does Kirkkonummi do next?

Wed, 01 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT

On Monday 22 June 2026, the rainbow flag was raised at the Kirkkonummi municipal hall for the first time. The decision was made in March, when the council approved the Pride flag motion by a vote of 30–14. Going forward, the flag will be raised twice a year.

Is the Pride flag just a symbol?

Some argue that Pride flag-raising is just a symbol. For those who have faced discrimination, exclusion, or bullying because of their identity, however, the flag-raising carries a very concrete meaning. Official flag-raising tells residents that the municipality sees all of them, values them, and welcomes each person as they are. For many LGBTQ+ people, regardless of age, the flag can be a message that they are not alone.

According to the School Health Survey by the Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare, one in seven secondary school students belonging to a sexual minority experiences school bullying at least once a week. The situation has also worsened in recent years. In such a climate, visible acts on behalf of equality matter especially. For a young person reflecting on their identity or feeling left out, the rainbow flag can be a message that they are not alone.

What concrete action is needed alongside the flag?

Kirkkonummi's strategy emphasises equality, non-discrimination, and youth-friendliness. Raising the Pride flag is a step toward making these values real in practice. Values, however, are not realised through symbols alone, which is why concrete action is needed alongside the flag-raising.

Equality must also show in everyday encounters. Youth centres, schools, and student welfare services need enough expertise to identify and support the needs of LGBTQ+ youth, and to help young people experiencing loneliness, exclusion, or bullying. The autumn budget negotiations must assess whether current resources match this need.

Why is the municipal role highlighted right now?

In public debate, the importance of equality and the standing of organisations that support minorities are currently being questioned more visibly than before. That is precisely why the role of municipalities in building a safe and welcoming atmosphere stands out. At the local level, we meet each other in everyday life — in schools, in youth centres, and in hobbies.

The Finnish Municipal Act obliges the municipality to promote the well-being of its residents. That obligation does not end at the flagpole. Kirkkonummi has the chance to show that equality is more than a celebratory speech or a goal written into a strategy. Equality is concrete action that builds a safer municipality for all of us.

The flag is now up. The next task is to make sure it does not remain a mere gesture, but that we do the work to make Kirkkonummi a safe and welcoming municipality for everyone.

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How does it feel to be in a party where you don't have to compromise on your values?

Fri, 12 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT

On Friday we launched, in honour of the National Coalition Party's congress, the vaihdavihreisiin.fi ("switch to the Greens") campaign, whose aim is to lower the bar for switching from the Coalition Party (and from voting for it) to the Greens. The campaign has been built together with dozens of active Green economic experts. One part of the campaign is to highlight market-green voices, and the names attached include Osmo Soininvaara, Atte Harjanne, Tuuli Kousa, and Kalle Euro.

How did the campaign start?

The campaign traces back to May 2026, the week before the Green Party congress, when I founded the WhatsApp group "Vihreät sosiaaliliberaalit yhdistykää" ("Green social liberals, unite"). Behind it was the experience that the party's social liberals had been scattered and underrepresented in recent party-internal debate, while other currents were ever more loudly on display. Others noticed the same, including Heikki Pursiainen, who criticised our campaign for exactly that point. (Pursiainen is right on that count — it is precisely why we made the campaign. He did, however, miss in his critique that the Greens have had several visible economic openings during 2026.) As someone for whom the Greens have been represented above all by figures like Jyrki Kasvi and Osmo Soininvaara, I was looking for a change.

I was clearly not the only one thinking this way. Within the first days, more than a hundred like-minded Greens joined the group. Since then the discussion has continued almost without pause day after day. The group's stated shared goal is to strengthen the Greens' position in the Finnish party field especially on economic questions, where the Coalition Party has had it far too easy. The Greens' economic lines have, despite the image, been very market-friendly. Or as Sofia Virta said at the start of her term as party chair: "The Greens are Finland's leading market-liberal party".

In the group also grew the idea of creating a site for other social liberals, where we explain why the Greens are the best option for them. We also wrote the Market-Green Manifesto, which without compromise describes the Greens' core values. It also makes clear how those values connect to liberalism. It is worth a read.

The site and the manifesto were ready right on time, and on Friday 5 June 2026 the vaihdavihreisiin.fi campaign launched alongside the Coalition Party congress.

The campaign has received an enormous amount of positive feedback, from the right, the left, and the centre — and from non-voters. Many people have joined our open WhatsApp group, and thousands have visited the site since launch. We were clearly not the only ones who think expanding the Greens toward the right side of the political compass is a good idea. We even drew support from Paavo Arhinmäki. Helsingin Sanomat and Verde magazine also covered the campaign.

Suomen Kuvalehti's recent analysis confirmed that the Greens have been gaining support from the right. To the left we have been losing votes, even though the party has been communicating strongly on themes typically associated with the left (whether these themes genuinely belong to left-wing politics is, of course, a question on which one can easily disagree). There was clearly demand for market-green communication.

Finland's party field needs at least one genuinely social-liberal alternative. The Coalition Party could have been one, but by now it is crystal clear to everyone that the door is, for the time being, closed. So the options left for blue-green liberals are to vote in the Coalition Party along a line set by conservatives — or face the consequences. I would much rather see all of you voting in line with your values, in the Greens.

Why switch to the Greens?

The Greens' shared values are the protection of nature and the environment, and human rights. It is therefore in the interest of both the environment and human rights that we grow both from the left and from the right. Our support was at its peak under Ville Niinistö's chairmanship, when the Sipilä government made historically short-sighted cuts to education. Back then it was not about us being the best left-wing party. It was about being the best education party. The current Coalition-led government is now pursuing the same kind of policy as Sipilä's.

In the Greens you may vote for women's rights and for the defence of nature and animals. In the Greens education promises are kept. It is worth asking yourself: how would it feel to be in a party where you do not have to explain your actions?

Where can I read more about market-green economics?

I have written about my speech and amendment proposal at the congress in the blog post Greens – The True Defenders of the Market Economy. All my economy-related writing is in the economy category, and all Greens-related posts are in the green party category.

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Greens – The True Defenders of the Market Economy

Tue, 26 May 2026 00:00:00 GMT

The Green Party congress convened in Turku on 24–25 May 2026 to adopt a new party programme. I submitted amendment proposal 36/Lavanti, which would have added the following sentence to the programme introduction: For the Greens, the market economy is a tool to effectively advance these goals. The proposal received strong support, but not enough votes to reach the introduction – the sentence was instead added to the economic section. I also gave a speech at the congress, reproduced in full below.

Esteemed party congress,

The market economy is one of humanity's most powerful inventions. No other mechanism is as effective at allocating resources, whether services or goods, and it is time for us Greens to say this out loud.

After this government term, it should by now be clear to everyone that the National Coalition Party does not pursue market economics but accountant economics. The alternative is not the Left Alliance, which focuses mainly on opposing change and pursues socialism. Markets would not work better if we banned and regulated everything. The alternative is not the Social Democrats either, who would do everything the same as the National Coalition Party, but more fairly. If we want a market economy that takes externalities and sustainability into account, there is no better alternative than the Greens.

Voters clearly know this too. Even though the party's communication focuses mainly on themes associated with the left, support has drained from us to parties further left. At the same time, growth comes mainly from the right and centre. In other words, people are now clearly looking for an alternative to the National Coalition Party. The best alternative is the Greens. Markets work best when pollution has a cost. When externalities are priced in. When competition is fair and money cannot buy a monopoly position. That is not ideology – it is common sense.

The market economy cannot of course be free of all regulation – but free of unfair competition. It is not the privilege of large corporations, but the opportunity for small and new businesses. It is not the pursuit of short-term profits, but long-term sustainable growth. When taxes are collected on harms, not on work. When markets are transparent and fair.

Let us raise the market economy to the introduction of our political programme – where it belongs, as I proposed in amendment 36/Lavanti.

We want a Finland where the economy grows, but nature is not destroyed. We want a Finland where innovations flourish, and monopolies do not dominate. We want a Finland where competition is fair and everyone can realise their potential.

This is our moment. Let us be the party that takes care of the economy and wellbeing.

Thank you.

Why are the Greens the true defenders of the market economy?

Green economic policy is built on three principles: harms have a cost, competition is fair, and markets are transparent. I have written about this in more detail previously: green economic policy requires a seat at the table. The market economy and sustainability are not opposites – they are two sides of the same coin. See also how AI changes the economics of public services and what that means for market development. All my writing on economics is in the economy category.

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Green economic policy requires a seat at the table

Wed, 20 May 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Last autumn I represented the Greens in Kirkkonummi's budget negotiations as the chair of our council group. We secured a full-time climate coordinator instead of a half-time one. We raised the targets for walking and cycling. We restored association grants to the previous year's level. We lost on school resources, and temporary school coaches were not made permanent. There were compromises, and some of them stung.

But we were at the table. And from there, we got what we got.

The Green Party congress is considering a motion from 45 members proposing that the Greens should withdraw from the parliamentary debt-brake agreement. The motion is the same choice, on a much larger scale: do we take part in shaping things, or not?

What is the debt-brake agreement?

The concern behind the motion is genuine and well-founded. This government term has shown how the burden of improving public finances falls on children, people with disabilities, and those with the lowest incomes. And the debt brake does nothing to prevent that kind of policy from continuing. At the same time, the belief that the debt brake will be implemented as written appears weak. As Fatim Diarra put it: "I do not believe there is a political basis for implementing cuts of that scale."

It is worth looking carefully at what has actually been agreed. The parties committed to consolidating public finances by 8–11 billion euros in the next parliamentary term. The numbers are large. It is important to note, however, as Atte Harjanne reminds us, that the debt brake "is not a rigid requirement to cut, and it does not remove government authority and responsibility over economic policy." Or as Saara Hyrkkö emphasised, "fiscal strengthening is not synonymous with cuts." In other words, the scale is decided, but the method is not. Every future government decides how to move toward the target.

What happens if the Greens withdraw?

If the Greens leave the agreement, the scale of adjustment does not change — but the content changes, substantially. Or as party vice-chair Allu Pyhälammi put it: "When it became clear that the majority of other parties would join the debt brake regardless, our parliamentary group decided to enter the negotiations — and managed to secure several improvements."

The debt brake does constrain future governments on the direction and scale of action. Parliamentary agreements are explicitly designed to create long-term commitment, as Oras Tynkkynen described. They are in practice the only mechanism for addressing problems that require commitment across election cycles. Turning around the trajectory of Finland's public debt is such a problem. So is combating climate change. Solutions to both require commitment beyond individual governments, and parties that do not honour agreements find no one willing to negotiate with them.

When we are inside, we can advance green economic policy. That means using markets efficiently, pricing in externalities, and supporting those the market does not serve. This framework is built into the party's programmes. According to the principles programme, taxes are levied according to ability to pay and harm caused. Externalities are priced so that markets function correctly.

What does green economic policy mean in practice?

Green economic policy is counter-cyclical. It addresses chronic deficits through structural reform and shifts taxation from work toward harm — without compromising the foundations of the welfare state.

I have written previously about how these principles play out at the municipal level too, when budget negotiations force choices about where limited resources go. The same logic applies at the national level: without a seat at the table, others make the choices.

Nevanperä summed it up on Threads pointedly:

Finland does not need a new party that sidesteps public finance questions. Debt and the welfare state must both be taken seriously. The current government cut only from the poorest, and made tax cuts that economists have criticised. That road has been travelled to its end. The Greens must be the alternative that has the courage to say everyone must contribute. Those with less have already done their share. The Greens must be the alternative whose policy is driven by economics, not interest groups or electoral arithmetic.

The Greens are Finland's leading market-liberal party. And the debt brake is a question about the direction of Finnish economic policy in the next parliamentary term.

Do we want to influence it, or stand outside?

Read more about municipal budget trade-offs and more posts on economy and national politics.

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AI helps secure municipal services, but it is not free

Wed, 13 May 2026 00:00:00 GMT

What has AI already achieved in municipal services?

When did you last need services from Kirkkonummi municipality? In Konnevesi, the municipality piloted AI for processing and paying out private road grants. Automation cut the average processing time from two and a half months to days.

In the project, funded by Sitra, AI prepares a draft decision, which an official then reviews and approves. A small municipality would not have had the resources to do this alone, but in collaboration with seven other municipalities the project succeeded. AI cannot simply be added to municipal operations without significant investment.

One of the main reasons I entered local politics is to secure services. It matters that shared resources are used responsibly and wisely. It matters equally that Kirkkonummi residents receive the services their taxes are meant to fund — in Finnish and in Swedish.

How should a municipality approach AI adoption?

AI is now delivering on expectations of automation and rapid change. The Konnevesi project is a clear example of this. First, forms are digitised; then AI prepares draft decisions; finally, a human reviews them. A good rule of thumb is that a machine should never make a negative decision. Unclear cases always go to a human.

AI is not, however, a tool that can simply be dropped into municipal operations. It is a long-term investment. Municipalities need to identify which services they want to develop, then design those services for automation — only then can the machine be brought in. There are no quick wins with AI; it requires money. Kirkkonummi has faced financial challenges for years, and the coming years look no easier given necessary school projects and a weak employment situation.

Why should small municipalities collaborate on AI?

Kirkkonummi is not large enough to justify developing its own AI-based services from scratch. From a national perspective, the best approach would be to spread Konnevesi-style reforms widely across municipalities. That way, an individual municipality's resource constraints would not stand in the way of improving services. Valuable expertise would also be freed up to handle more complex cases and develop services further.

AI is here to stay. The question now is how Kirkkonummi residents want to integrate it into the municipality's services. AI is also reshaping private sector work — software developers have gone through the same journey from doubt to acceptance. Digital development does not happen in isolation: digital independence is built one step at a time, and 2026 is the year of AI in municipal services too.

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Council initiative: digital resilience

Mon, 11 May 2026 00:00:00 GMT

The Green council group and Lauri Lavanti, 11 May 2026

The municipality of Kirkkonummi relies on digital infrastructure for nearly all of its operations — from remote meetings and archiving services to email and communication between schools and homes. If these services were unavailable, a large part of the municipality's and its residents' activities would grind to a halt or be significantly disrupted. Changes in the global security environment have shown that digital independence deserves far greater attention than it has received.

Why does digital resilience concern municipalities?

Several European countries — France, the Netherlands, and Germany — are actively working to reduce their digital dependencies on non-European providers. Starting the same work in Finland is essential, and the services closest to residents are the most critical place to begin.

A full break from non-European services is neither realistic nor even desirable. In the short and medium term, gains can be achieved by introducing European services alongside existing systems. In the long term, municipal demand for European providers helps develop the European offering into an ever stronger alternative.

A second important dimension is data. The vast majority of files in the municipality are stored and shared in closed file formats — which means the municipality is also dependent on the providers of those formats. The German federal government has responded to this by mandating open-standard file formats for all documents: either following the ODF standard or PDF/UA.

What does the initiative propose?

We, the undersigned councillors, propose that Kirkkonummi maps its dependencies on non-European IT systems and digital companies, and prepares appropriate contingency plans for situations in which those services are unavailable. In addition, Kirkkonummi should switch to using open-standard file formats — such as ODF and PDF/UA — for sharing documents.

The Green council group

I have written more about digital independence: why it is a necessity what it means in everyday procurement decisions, and which choices anyone can make in everyday life. Read more in my posts on digital independence.

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I voted against Västra

Mon, 11 May 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Kirkkonummi municipal council decided on 11 May 2026 to join the Västra cooperation with Siuntio, Inkoo, Raseborg and Hanko. I proposed rejecting the agreement, but we lost the vote.

Why did I vote against Västra?

Kirkkonummi's success is built on its proximity to the Helsinki metropolitan area. We already have functioning channels for influencing regional development: HSL public transport, the MAL cooperation (land use, housing and transport for the metropolitan area), and neighbouring municipalities Siuntio and Inkoo. Västra redirects our attention and resources in the wrong direction.

The cost is over €38,000 per year. The agreement cannot be exited before 2029, and even then withdrawal is not unilateral — it requires approval from the other member municipalities. The agreement also allows for unexpected additional costs that would not go to a council vote.

At the same time, education, schooling and early childhood services face spending cuts every year. These are the services residents expect us to invest in, and where every euro shows directly in a child's everyday life. That is where we must direct our resources, especially in a tight fiscal situation.

Below is my speech in the municipal council that decided the matter on 11 May 2026.

My speech to the council on 11 May 2026

Thank you, Chair, tack ordförande.

Kirkkonummi is a municipality whose success and future are closely tied to the Helsinki metropolitan area. Our residents work, study and use services in the metropolitan area. What makes Kirkkonummi a desirable place to live is its nature, living environment, good transport connections and high-quality services. These are our strengths, and they are what we should invest in.

The Västra cooperation redirects our attention and resources away from the metropolitan area. We should focus our resources on what has already been proven to work: cooperation towards the metropolitan area and developing our own municipality.

At the same time, the municipality's financial situation requires responsible and considered decisions from us. Every year we have to make painful decisions in the context of the budget. In addition, investments that are essential for the municipality's service structure require careful financial planning.

The recorded costs of the Västra cooperation for Kirkkonummi are over €38,000 per year, and the agreement cannot be exited before 2029. In addition, the cooperation includes the possibility of unexpected additional costs that would not be decided in the council. Withdrawal is also not unilaterally possible — it requires approval from the other municipalities.

We could use this money for more important purposes that serve our residents more directly. For example, education, schooling and early childhood services are constantly under threat of various cuts. These are, however, things that are central to the municipality's strategy and that our residents expect us to invest in.

We already have many functioning channels for influencing regional development and for cooperating with neighbouring municipalities, such as Siuntio and Inkoo. We have the opportunity to participate in metropolitan area transport projects, service development and regional planning.

We should also remember that Kirkkonummi has grown and prospered precisely because we have been able to leverage our proximity to the metropolitan area. We should continue along this path and ensure that we make decisions that strengthen our position as part of the metropolitan area.

I propose that the council reject the Västra cooperation agreement. This decision would be fiscally responsible and strategically sound. It would ensure that we can focus our money and attention on what matters to Kirkkonummi's residents and businesses: strengthening cooperation with the metropolitan area and developing our own municipality's services and vitality.

Thank you, tack.

The council voted to join Västra. Is this really just about €38,000, or about which direction Kirkkonummi faces in the future? The same challenge of evidence-based decision-making came up in the Western Rail Link vote. For the broader context on municipal finances, read Public transport cannot keep getting more expensive. Read more in my Western Uusimaa posts.

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AI changes what developers get paid for

Wed, 22 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT

AI does not replace coders. It changes what they get paid for. The software industry is the first sector where this distinction is already visible in euros and redundancies.

I sit at my computer reviewing code that AI wrote in two minutes. The same work would have taken me weeks before. I no longer write code — I define, evaluate, decide and answer the questions AI asks me.

Why is the price of code production collapsing?

According to Professor Pekka Abrahamsson of Tampere University, AI now does in two minutes what used to take a software developer two weeks. That means the cost of producing code has collapsed. The industry has already reacted: Etteplan and Vincit have announced layoffs that the companies themselves attributed to structural changes caused by AI. Nordea announced it would lay off approximately 1,500 employees by the end of 2026 — AI and process optimisation were cited as the reasons. Software development is the first industry where this change shows up in euros and redundancies. It will not be the last.

What will developers get paid for going forward?

I have gone through the change myself. Through doubt, resistance, and ultimately acceptance. One of the authors of the Agile Manifesto, Kent Beck, puts it this way: the vast majority of skills where humans had an advantage are now worthless. What cannot be delegated has turned out to be more valuable than ever: the ability to make decisions, recognise context, and bear responsibility. Writing code no longer distinguishes a senior from a junior — AI does it faster than even an experienced developer, and to sufficient quality. From a business perspective, this means developers are paid more than before — but on a different basis. Are we steering this transition, or reacting to its consequences after the fact?

What happens to the junior developer pipeline?

Technology optimists argue that overall software demand will grow as production becomes cheaper — and I agree. When AI reshapes the nature of work, the open questions are who captures the benefits and who learns most from them. As routine production is automated, many developers lose what they used to get paid for. The most demanding skills — decision-making, accountability, and systems thinking — grow in value. The problem is not that there is no demand for skilled developers. The problem is that the industry has been built on the premise that you code first and manage the big picture later. If the junior pathway narrows, where will the next decade's senior developers come from?

What does Finland need now?

The same upheaval does not only affect code. Every industry with repetitive knowledge work faces the same structural change. Finland has individual responses from individual sectors, but almost no coordinated initiatives — not on how to reskill the workforce, nor on how to apply safety nets to the new situation. Digital independence and skills policy belong to the same whole — and neither is advancing in a coordinated way. Technological disruption will not wait until we are ready, and none of our competitors will wait on our behalf.

When will Finnish companies and decision-makers agree on what developers get paid for — and who is responsible for ensuring the next generation grows?

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Lähteelä — a gem on Kirkkonummi coast

Wed, 15 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT

During Porkkala Bird Week, seabirds are observed, guided excursions are arranged to Räfsö, and migration is monitored from Haahka Tower. Kirkkonummi is a coastal municipality where nature, sea, and archipelago are an important part of everyday life and identity. It is here that Lähteelä lies — a large and multifaceted area of shoreline and islands that Kirkkonummi has now acquired.

How did Lähteelä become municipally owned?

Lähteelä has long been owned by Helsinki residents. When Helsinki divested its recreational areas beyond its boundaries, Kirkkonummi saw an opportunity to act. The municipal council voted unanimously to purchase Lähteelä. The decision is gratifying and reflects a strong collective will to secure the area's future and ensure the continuation of activities as soon as possible.

What does Lähteelä offer?

The area features a guest marina, saunas, a café kiosk, and the island of Stora Svartön with nearby islets. More important than these individual structures, however, is what the Lähteelä acquisition means in principle.

It means that Kirkkonummi's coast remains genuinely accessible to all. Lähteelä is one of the few places you can reach without a private boat. In a coastal municipality, this is not a given — and it is truly wonderful that those without boats can also enjoy this beloved destination.

Nature draws people year after year

Porkkala's nature attracts people year after year. The archipelago, coastal routes, and events like Bird Week all testify to genuine interest in and need for shared nature experiences. Lähteelä meets this need concretely. It is a coast that is truly shared.

Towards sustainable development

As Lähteelä is developed, it is important to preserve its natural values and unique maritime environment. At the same time, it is worth being bold and making room for new ideas that increase the area's livability and attractiveness in a sustainable way. This way, Lähteelä can serve municipal residents and other visitors now and in the future.

The coast belongs to everyone

Kirkkonummi is a coastal municipality. It is good that this is also reflected in how the sea and shores are accessible to all. The acquisition of Lähteelä is a step towards a municipality where nature unites and the shared environment is truly felt as shared.

I have written more about Kirkkonummi's nature and planning: why local nature is Kirkkonummi's trump card year after year, on cherishing local nature near schools and day-care centres and on what a growing municipality needs to thrive.

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Kirkkonummi tells everyone: you belong here

Thu, 09 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT

The figures from the Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare (THL) school health survey are not merely statistics. They are young people sitting in classrooms, attending hobbies, and moving through our municipality every day. On 9 March 2026, Kirkkonummi municipal council voted 30–14 in favour of rainbow flag-flying. The decision is a small one. Its significance for the young people it was made for is not.

What does the THL school health survey tell us about rainbow young people?

THL's school health survey shows that one in five lower secondary school pupils belonging to a gender minority has experienced repeated bullying, at least once a week. Among sexual minorities, the figure is one in seven. Compared to other young people, the rate of bullying is two to three times higher.

These figures are troubling on their own terms. It is also important to note that they concern young people who have had the courage to respond to the survey disclosing their own identity. Not everyone does.

Since 2023, the situation has not improved. It has worsened. This does not happen in a vacuum: the social climate in many countries, including Finland, has hardened in terms of public discourse directed at LGBTQ+ people. When intolerance is normalised in public debate, it is reflected directly also in the everyday lives of young people in Kirkkonummi.

Why is flag-flying more than symbolism?

Research consistently shows that the wellbeing of rainbow young people is supported above all by two things: the experience of being accepted and visibility — the knowledge that one is not alone.

When a young person sees that their municipality acknowledges their existence, it is not an empty gesture. It is a message: you belong here.

Community acceptance is research-evidenced as associated with a lower risk of depression, reduced loneliness, and better school attendance. When a municipality visibly demonstrates that it values all its residents, it is conducting preventive mental health work without a separate programme or a dedicated budget line.

A flag is not an internal report or a strategy document. It is a visible, physical message that every passerby can observe. That is precisely why its significance is greater than its physical size would suggest.

How did the flag-flying decision come about in Kirkkonummi?

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The flag-flying decision arose from my council initiative on annual rainbow flag-flying, which the council approved in March. At the 9 March session I delivered a council speech and put forward the same argument I am repeating here: the cost of a small gesture is minimal, but its effect on the young people it concerns may be immeasurable. As I have written about more broadly: with words and gestures we shape the reality we live in.

The voting result of 30–14 shows that the majority of councillors understood the figures and made their decision on that basis. The municipality's own strategy commits to equality and non-discrimination; the kuntalaki (Local Government Act) requires promoting the wellbeing of residents. The flag-flying decision translates these commitments into practice.

What does a small gesture cost compared to the costs of social exclusion?

A flag costs a few dozen euros. The societal costs of a marginalised young person (lost working years, social services, healthcare) run to tens of thousands of euros per person; in some calculations considerably more.

Prevention is always cheaper. This holds as true for youth work as it does for healthcare.

I am not claiming that flag-flying alone resolves the wellbeing challenges faced by rainbow young people. It does not. What is needed is concrete anti-bullying work in schools, sufficient access to school counsellors and psychologist services, and a community culture in which difference is accepted, not merely permitted. The flag is a starting point. It communicates the direction in which the municipality intends to develop and creates an obligation to continue in that direction.

Kirkkonummi is more equal today than it was yesterday. That is not an endpoint — it is a starting gun. How many more small gestures are still waiting to be made?

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Chat control: parliament was right

Sat, 04 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT

The European Parliament voted on 26 March 2026, 331 to 228, to reject an extension of the temporary legislation known as chat control, which gave service providers the right to scan users' messages for child sexual abuse material (CSAM). In Finland, the National Bureau of Investigation expressed concern: according to the NBI, service providers filed nearly 14,500 reports of suspected material last year, accounting for roughly one fifth of all new criminal investigations opened. The numbers are real and the problem is serious. That is precisely why it deserves a better solution than untargeted mass surveillance — and precisely why parliament's decision was right.

What did parliament ban — and what did it not ban?

Parliament did not ban the identification of child sexual abuse material. It refused to extend a temporary exemption that applied only to unencrypted platforms. The expiring law did not cover encrypted communications at all: WhatsApp messages were not within its scope, unlike, for example, Instagram's unencrypted direct messages. This is no legal technicality. Messages are either end-to-end encrypted or they are not — there is no middle ground. Opening an encrypted channel to surveillance means breaking the encryption for all its users, not just those suspected of a crime.

The broader, ongoing chat control movement, however, aims to break the encryption of encrypted communications as well. Parliament voted down the path that would have opened the door in that direction. That is the real significance of the vote.

The rule-of-law minimum is that a concrete suspicion precedes scanning — not the other way around.

Can companies still identify child sexual abuse material?

Yes, they can. When the law expires, companies lose the legal protection for making reports — not the ability to identify material. The technical tools and expertise remain unchanged. Large platforms have both commercial and ethical incentives to continue voluntarily: the reputational damage from spreading CSAM is enormous, and on many platforms voluntary monitoring has been in place for years before the legislation.

That does not mean the current situation is sufficient. Voluntary action without a legal framework is uneven and vulnerable to change. Smaller platforms may not invest in detection tools without a legal obligation, and large players can change their practices based on business decisions. What is needed is a new and properly scoped legal basis. It must give companies clear protection for making reports — without at the same time opening the way to large-scale mass scanning. Parliament's vote did not close that path; it simply said that the old, poorly scoped temporary solution does not get an extension.

Why does untargeted mass scanning not work?

A concrete suspicion before scanning is not special treatment for privacy — it is the rule-of-law minimum. This principle is already established elsewhere: police cannot obtain a search warrant without reasonable grounds, and wiretapping requires a court order. The same principles belong in the digital environment. I have written about the same logic in connection with intelligence legislation and biometric identifiers: extending surveillance without individual suspicion is not a question of efficiency, but of principle. The same principle applies to digital independence: protecting fundamental rights and building sovereignty go hand in hand.

Mass scanning is also ineffective in practice. Organised crime has already moved to channels that open scanning cannot reach — the dark web and encrypted applications, which the temporary legislation did not reach and which a broader chat control regulation might not reach either. Ordinary users, not organised networks, would be subject to expanded surveillance. An ineffective tool does not become good because the goal is right.

What can Finland do next?

Finland has an opportunity to help shape a solution that actually works. The model is clear: targeted surveillance in which a concrete suspicion and a court order precede scanning. The same standard as for wiretapping, no more and no less. In practice, this means that in a new law the right to scan would be tied to an individual suspicion and a court order obtained in advance — not to automatic scanning of everyone's messages without cause. Such a system protects children more effectively, because it is directed where the suspicions are, while upholding the rule of law — and without laying the groundwork for broader mass surveillance.

Trust in European institutions is built on the same logic: it does not arise from untargeted surveillance, but from protecting citizens' rights as EU members even when it is difficult.

Europe's competitive advantage does not come from cheap services, but from trust — from the fact that here, privacy is a genuine fundamental right. That trust cannot be bought.

Parliament was right. The next round is already coming — and Finland must be ready to shape it into something better. The alternative is to leave the field to others, in which case the next regulation will again be a poor compromise at the expense of the rule of law.

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Digital independence is built one step at a time

Sat, 28 Mar 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Helsinki chose Finnish UpCloud as the platform for its core public services system — not an American tech giant. It was not an ideological gesture, but a deliberate starting point: digital independence is built in individual procurement decisions, not in a single sweeping policy. I have written about the necessity of digital independence before. This piece looks concretely at what that means in everyday procurement decisions.

Why did Helsinki choose a Finnish cloud over an international one?

Koda is developing a critical core system for Helsinki city services. Finnish UpCloud was selected as the cloud provider — the criteria emphasised technical performance, information security, and domestic infrastructure. Data is stored primarily in Finland, with backups in Sweden. The choice was not made because international providers were not evaluated — they were evaluated and found unsuitable.

Helsinki's Chief Digitalisation Officer Hannu Heikkinen summarised the significance of the decision: it is excellent that a critical core system for the city can be built using the modern cloud solutions of a Finnish provider, ensuring service availability under exceptional circumstances and maintaining full control over data management.

The choice was made as a deliberate response to a changed geopolitical environment. When the geopolitical landscape shifts, the public sector must be able to trust that critical systems remain under its own control. That is a requirement a European provider can meet. An American provider is inevitably tied to its country's political situation — and as recent years have shown, that situation can change in the blink of an eye.

What happens when vendor lock-in has already occurred?

Helsinki's case is, however, two-sided. While the city is building new systems correctly, it carries a reminder of just how difficult it is to break free from existing, deeply integrated systems.

The city council acknowledged earlier this year that migrating away from Microsoft's cloud services would be "extremely challenging" and would require significant financial investment and "considerable loss of functionality". The dependency does not affect just one piece of software: it extends from cloud infrastructure to office applications and operating systems — an ecosystem where every part depends on the next.

This is the essence of today's digital dependency: it was built piece by piece, without guidance, and the lock-in is now severe.

Helsinki has not stood idle: ICT procurement guidelines are being updated to favour European providers, and a European contingency plan for crisis situations has been negotiated. The right direction has been found, but the road is long. The same situation repeats itself in hundreds of municipalities across Finland.

Are European alternatives sufficient?

European alternatives are sufficient for most public sector needs — and often price-competitive as well. Critics can reasonably point out that they sometimes offer a narrower range of features than large American platforms. That is true. But the right question is: are all those features actually needed?

In my work I have built and maintained software systems built on top of large international platforms. I have repeatedly seen how the much-praised special features of large providers go unused. It is close to exceptional to find systems that could not be built with fewer features. The same logic applies to AI in public services: technical possibilities and actual needs are different things.

When a system is built from scratch, you can choose exactly what is needed — without years of accumulated legacy or vendor-imposed constraints. Migrating away from existing systems is expensive, and changes should not be made hastily. But new procurements are a different matter: they must be built correctly from the start, without repeating the same mistake.

How is digital independence built in practice?

Digital independence is built like energy security of supply: calmly and with foresight, before the situation forces the issue. It is not a matter of one big decision, but of every procurement.

UpCloud's founder Joel Pihlajamaa put it well: choosing a European provider is not merely a technical question — it is a conscious value choice for digital sovereignty and European independence. A public organisation that makes this choice today is not just managing its own risks. It is simultaneously building a market for European alternatives and making them more likely to be chosen in future situations.

A broader vision of where things are heading is also needed. Individual procurement decisions are not enough if each organisation makes them in its own silo without a shared direction. A national goal and the guidance needed to achieve it are now required. The Digital Independence citizen initiative demands exactly this — and has already gathered thousands of signatures.

The choices made at the point of procurement are cheaper than changes forced by a crisis — both financially and strategically. From energy security of supply we learned that it pays to start preparing before you have to. Digital infrastructure is no different.

What would happen if every municipality decided that its next system project would be built primarily on a European platform? Read more on the same theme: 2026 is the year of AI — and the year of choosing where it runs.

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Finland and Finns Risk Losing Control of Their Own Data – and It Will Cost Dearly

Fri, 27 Mar 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Consider this for a moment: in the upcoming parliamentary election, your voter data and the election results will, for the first time in history, be stored outside the country's borders – in a data centre owned by the American company Amazon. At the same time, the Finnish Tax Administration is moving Finns' tax data to Microsoft's cloud, and Kela, the Social Insurance Institution, plans to move the processing of benefits to American servers.

This is not merely a technical detail. It is about who decides where Finns' data ends up – and who has access to it. The standard answer from public sector decision-makers has been that the data stays in Europe. Technically that is true, but legally it is misleading.

Why is keeping data in Europe not enough?

The US CLOUD Act obliges American technology companies to hand over data in their possession to US authorities – regardless of where the servers physically sit. In the same way, Chinese law obliges Chinese companies to cooperate with the country's intelligence services. In Russia the situation is even simpler: state control over technology is direct and open.

So the question is not only where the servers are located. It is whose laws and oversight apply. If a cloud service becomes unavailable, or trust in the accuracy of the data it holds or produces breaks down, the digital foundation of our society weakens – and we have no say in what happens.

What does dependence on foreign tech companies cost Finland?

There is also a financial side to this that is rarely mentioned. The public sector pays more than a billion euros a year in licence fees to American technology companies. This is not just poor value for money – it is a lack of digital resilience. Meanwhile the money flows out of Finland into the pockets of other countries' tech giants, instead of supporting Finnish jobs and expertise.

What would Finland gain from digital independence?

Fortunately, the situation also holds a major opportunity. Finland has world-class software expertise with roots going back to the development of the Linux operating system. If even part of this money were directed to domestic technology development, it would create new high-tech jobs, competitive digital solutions and entirely new export opportunities. France, Germany and Denmark have already woken up to this – and it would be foolish of us to fall behind.

The digital sovereignty movement under way in Europe gives Finnish software companies a unique opportunity to get on board. This does not mean isolation. It means that Finland itself decides on its own digital infrastructure – just as it decides on its own defence. That way services stay up in good times and bad, and we have the power to decide where our data goes and who controls it.

This is possible. All it takes is a decision – and the courage to make it now, before it is too late.

Sign the citizens' initiative on digital independence and demand that digital services critical to Finland are built under Finnish control from now on: digitaalinenitsenaisyys.fi

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Kirkkonummi is a more equal place today than yesterday

Tue, 10 Mar 2026 00:00:00 GMT

On March 9, the municipal council discussed my initiative to start flying Pride flags in Kirkkonummi. In the initiative, we originally hoped to fly the flags during Helsinki Pride Week, but officials also proposed flying them during the Kirkkonummi parishes' rainbow mass. I also gave a speech in the council, which you can find below.

My speech in the municipal council

Thank you, Chair.

According to the Local Government Act, one of the tasks of a municipality is to promote the well-being of its residents. This is not just a goal — it is a legal obligation. Kirkkonummi's strategy puts this obligation into practice by promising that the municipality will be child-, youth-, and age-friendly, and that Kirkkonummi will promote equality and take into account the needs of different population groups.

However, the THL school health survey paints a grim picture. One in five upper secondary school students belonging to gender minorities and one in seven belonging to sexual minorities reported being bullied at school at least once a week during the school term. Young people belonging to gender and sexual minorities who dared to reveal their minority status had experienced all forms of school bullying measured two or even three times more often than other young people. And Kirkkonummi is no exception.

Only some young people dare to even mention that they belong to a gender or sexual minority. Those who do are bullied two or even three times more than others.

After 2023, bullying of rainbow youth has even increased. This is happening at the same time as the social climate has become harsher in many places. When we hear people talking about trampling on the rights of LGBTQ+ folks in places like Congress and city council meetings, it directly affects how LGBTQ+ youth feel and their well-being.

So what can we do here in Kirkkonummi? Activities aimed at LGBTQ youth have become more common in recent years, and they have been found to reduce loneliness. Visibility and acceptance are not just symbolic—they are concrete preventive mental health work.

The officials propose that the initiative be approved. The flagging would take place twice a year: during Helsinki Pride week and in connection with the Kirkkonummi parish's bilingual rainbow mass in September. Kirkkonummi has already decided that in 2022, the water tower will be illuminated in rainbow colors during the service. The flagging is a natural continuation of this. The cost is also almost imperceptibly small.

A small gesture with great significance. It is with great pleasure and warmth that I propose that the council approve the proposal put forward by the officials.

How did the Pride discussion go?

Despite a very colorful and emotional debate, the council ultimately approved the initiative by a clear margin, with 30 votes in favor and 14 against. Thank you to all my colleagues on the council who voted in favor!

Read more about equality and the significance of small gestures: the council initiative that started it all, Kirkkonummi tells everyone: you belong here and with words we shape our shared reality.

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Digital independence is a necessity

Thu, 05 Mar 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Finland is too dependent on US cloud services — and since the US is no longer a reliable partner, digital independence is an essential security question. As Russia's neighbor, Finland has learned to be prepared. Security of supply and overall security are key terms in our politics – except in the digital world. Although our society is increasingly dependent on foreign software and cloud services, we are not sufficiently prepared for their sudden demise. The United States, the provider of most of these services, is no longer a reliable partner. Its disregard for international agreements and unpredictable power politics also extend to digital services.

Why is digital security of supply important?

According to a memo from the Ministry of Finance, a significant portion of public administration digital services rely on these US platforms – Amazon, Microsoft, Google, and Oracle. The memo also states outright that the disruption of these services could lead to critical system outages and the paralysis of government operations. Nevertheless, the measures proposed are mainly surveys and recommendations. For example, the Turvasatama concept launched earlier was halted due to a lack of customer interest and funding.

Although achieving digital independence is not easy, it is essential.

Digital independence is not a utopia, but a concrete goal that requires investment in domestic and European digital infrastructure and the use of open source code. Germany and Estonia, for example, are already systematically investing in digital sovereignty. Finland has a long history and extensive expertise in the production of digital services. There is market demand for European alternatives, which Finland could offer. Finland could build a reputation and systems for reliable digital solutions.

What does digital independence mean?

Digital independence means that we control our society. Although the likelihood of the United States or any other country exploiting our dependence is small, the consequences of such a scenario would be catastrophic. Therefore, it cannot be ignored. When it comes to critical services in society, the decision-making power over service availability and access to information must remain in Finland. Otherwise, our independence would be incomplete, if not illusory.

This theme connects to the broader question of who controls our digital infrastructure: algorithms and political influence, AI in public services, and AI's impact on everyday life in 2026 are all parts of the same picture. Read more in my posts on digital independence.

More information about the digital independence citizens' initiative can be found on the initiative's website. It gathered 50,819 signatures on kansalaisaloite.fi before collection closed on 4 August 2026.

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The West Railway revealed problems in Kirkkonummi's governance

Thu, 19 Feb 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Kirkkonummi council's decision to withdraw from the West Railway project was made without an impact assessment — and the municipality now looks set to bear the costs without the benefits. Recent news has reported that a group of residents is investigating the separation of Veikkola from Kirkkonummi. The investigation reflects in part how disappointed residents are with the decision of Kirkkonummi municipal council to withdraw from the West Railway project and reject one of the most significant development investments for Kirkkonummi in decades.

The plans for Northern Kirkkonummi have long rested on the possibility of a station. The key decision to withdraw from the West Railway project — which concerned the station — was made, however, without an assessment of the decision's impacts and contrary to the proposal of the municipal officials. It is now known that the West Railway municipalities and the state will continue the project without the Veikkola station. The possibility of further negotiations proposed by those who opposed the West Railway agreement did not, in reality, exist, and Kirkkonummi will by all appearances bear the disadvantages of the West Railway without the benefits.

Despite assumptions, there are no separate negotiations with the West Railway in sight.

What does the West Railway decision mean for Kirkkonummi's strategy?

Kirkkonummi has set as its goal to be the most desirable, vibrant and vital municipality in the metropolitan area. High-quality housing and functional connections to the capital region have long been among Kirkkonummi's most important attractions. The Northern Kirkkonummi station would have met the strategic objectives by offering housing close to services and good public transportation, as well as new opportunities for business.

Which parties supported the project?

In making the decision, the ability of decision-makers to make strategically important, forward-looking decisions for the whole municipality was tested. The Greens were the only major party in Kirkkonummi of which the majority supported the West Railway agreement and with it the Northern Kirkkonummi station. By contrast, only one of SDP's councillors did so, and none of the councillors from SFP, Pro Kirkkonummi or the True Finns, for example. Those of us who supported the project saw it as part of the municipality's long-term development and the future of all of Kirkkonummi. Now we decision-makers have the opportunity to demonstrate that we can ensure that all of Kirkkonummi remains vital in the future as well, and to restore the trust of the residents of Northern Kirkkonummi in decision-making.

Before the decision I wrote about why I voted for the Western Rail Link. The broader picture of the public transport funding crisis is in Public transport cannot keep getting more expensive. Read more in the Western Rail category and the infrastructure category.

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Lyyra opens new possibilities for Kirkkonummi's future

Wed, 04 Feb 2026 00:00:00 GMT

Kirkkonummi's centre is now undergoing comprehensive renovation. Although the temporary solutions it causes are inconvenient, the impact of the renovation being carried out can be measured in decades. Kirkkonummi's future is being built today, and we have a rare opportunity to influence what it will be like.

Why is Kirkkonummi's position exceptionally strong?

Right next to the capital region, along good rail connections, Kirkkonummi's position is exceptionally strong. While the majority of Finland suffers from population loss, Kirkkonummi and the broader Helsinki metropolitan area is attracting ever more new residents. Although competition between municipalities for new residents is not a zero-sum game, some municipalities fare better in this competition than others. For most people, the municipal centre is the heart into which the municipality condenses, and that is precisely why its development is so important.

Kirkkonummi's position is exceptionally strong.

I had the honour of attending the topping-out ceremony of Lyyra, the House of Culture. From next year, Lyyra will offer premises for both of Kirkkonummi's upper secondary schools, the music school, the visual arts school and the adult education centre. The adjacent Lyyra and main library Fyyri will, together with Rovastinpuisto, form a cluster of culture, education and events in Kirkkonummi that has no equal in the surrounding area. Not every municipality has modern, excellent facilities for organising both indoor and outdoor events.

A vibrant municipality is not merely a place where one goes to work or sleep. One must also enjoy being there. Culture and community play an extremely important role in this. Good premises for these are now nearing completion — next we need to start using them. From large touring productions to local associations.

There is no equal in the surrounding area.

What does Lyyra offer Kirkkonummi?

Lyyra is not just an educational institution; it is an investment in the future of the entire municipality, and in particular in the young people studying there. It offers young people modern learning environments, but also a space for the entire community for meetings, events and community life. Lyyra can act as a revitaliser for the municipality, attracting new residents and businesses to the area. Now we have the opportunity to build Kirkkonummi into the gem of Uusimaa.

I have written more about Kirkkonummi's development: the need for a vibrant centre for a growing municipality, the need for long-term municipal planning and why education is the municipality's most important task.

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The use of biometric identifiers in passports must not be expanded

Fri, 23 Jan 2026 00:00:00 GMT

The government's proposal to open the passport register's biometric data for police use is extremely problematic — citizens have effectively been compelled to surrender their fingerprints, so the register must not be expanded beyond its original purpose. In 2006–2009, a fierce debate took place in Finland about the implementation of the EU passport regulation, which required fingerprints to be added to passport data. In the end, unlike most EU countries, Finland decided, in connection with implementing the regulation, to establish a national passport register in which the fingerprints and facial images of every Finnish passport or identity card holder are now stored. Germany and Sweden, for example, opted instead for a solution in which the data is stored only in the chip found in the passport.

Finland's national passport register is an exception in the EU.

How did the passport register come about?

When the passport register was established, there were concerns about the expansion of the register's purpose. The police would already at that time have liked to have access to the register's data, but this possibility was ruled out during parliamentary processing. Since the passport register was established, citizens have therefore been able to trust, at least in principle, that the biometric data in the register is used only in connection with proving identity.

Discussion about opening the register's data for broader police use has nevertheless continued over the years. Eventually, Prime Minister Orpo's government programme included the goal of assessing and improving the conditions for the use of biometrics for law enforcement and crime prevention purposes. In September, the government's proposal was sent to parliament, where it is currently under committee review.

The expansion of the use of biometric data in the passport register as proposed in the bill would be extremely problematic.

Why is expanding its use problematic?

Technological development has broadened the significance of fingerprints and facial images as means of identifying a person. To read this very text, a significant proportion of readers have shown their face or fingerprint to their computer, tablet or phone. A fingerprint or facial image has replaced the use of passwords in many people's daily lives, and in principle they can be used to access a vast amount of private and sensitive information.

A fingerprint is nowadays like a password.

With this development, the importance of biometric identifiers in protecting privacy has grown substantially since the passport register was established. A biometric register covering all citizens is a problem in itself, and expanding its use increases the vulnerability of the data.

A more fundamental problem, however, is trust. For society to function, the majority of citizens must have sufficient trust in the exercise of public authority. When Finnish citizens have effectively been compelled to surrender their biometric data to the authorities, it is highly questionable to open up the use of this data beyond its original purpose. Even though the current proposal limits use to the investigation and prevention of only very serious crimes, a genie once out of the bottle is hard to put back in. It is quite likely that over the years there will be ever-growing desire to expand the police's powers to make use of the passport register and to lower the threshold.

A genie that has escaped cannot simply be pushed back into the bottle.

What should be done instead?

Instead of expanding the use of biometric data in the passport register, Finland should move to handle this data in the way Germany does. In the German model, fingerprint data is destroyed from all systems after the passport has been created and thus cannot subsequently be misused or opened up for other purposes. The EU's Fundamental Rights Agency has also stated, already in 2018, that everyone should follow this German model.

As long as sensitive data exists somewhere in a database, there is a temptation to expand its use. Moreover, as long as some electronic register exists, there is also the possibility of the data being stolen and misused. A register containing the fingerprints and facial images of nearly every Finnish citizen is therefore too tempting a target for both legitimate and illegitimate actors.

The expansion of the use of the passport register is part of an ongoing movement in which privacy protection is being eroded in the name of security in many different ways. In Finland, for example, new intelligence powers are being prepared for the police to use even without individualised criminal suspicion, and in the European Union there have been repeated attempts to push through the undermining of private communications protection in connection with the CSAM regulation.

Authorities must have sufficient means to guarantee the security of society. However, security must not be an overriding catch-all provision that bypasses fundamental rights. Finland and Europe should instead offer their citizens a value commitment of a strong right to privacy.

I have written more about digital rights and technology: about dismantling fundamental rights, about digital independence and about what AI can do in public services. Read more in my posts on technology.

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2026 is the year of AI

Sat, 10 Jan 2026 00:00:00 GMT

AI's biggest changes in 2026 will not come to the business world but to private life, parenting, and children's everyday lives. But not in the way you imagine. AI will certainly be adopted more widely in businesses and other organisations, but there it is mainly the next step in development. The biggest changes we will see in private life, in parenting, and in the everyday lives of children and young people.

In 2026 we will begin to see what the consequences are when AI starts to replace the therapist, the trusted friend, the parent, the loved one, or another significant person in someone's life. We will start to understand what happens when fewer and fewer people read original sources, trusting instead in summaries or synopses written by AI. We will also get the first taste of what it would be like to live in a world where entertainment is largely produced with the help of AI.

Is our society ready for AI?

What changes will AI bring?

In 2026 we are approaching a turning point at which we must choose whether to restrict the use of AI or ensure that all of us understand how it works. Most likely, understanding AI will become a new civic skill without which we will not manage. AI is simply such an easy-to-use tool, and it is natural for humans to choose the easier path if it does not involve significant drawbacks.

It would be easy to paint a dystopian, science-fiction-like picture of the future in which humanity loses its grip on its own destiny. The world already has more than enough pessimism and despair, however.

How should we prepare children for an AI-shaped world?

Instead of fearing, we can hope.

What can we hope for?

I choose to look at the opportunities the situation affords. The opportunity to learn that human connection is irreplaceable. The opportunity to understand how important it is for us to build our worldview on shared truths. The opportunity to appreciate how unique and enriching art and culture created by someone who wants to teach us something truly is.

I hope that at the same time we are able to harness what is perhaps humanity's greatest invention of recent years for those tasks in which it excels. I wish everyone a good year 2026.

On the societal side of AI I have written more: AI's possibilities and limits in public services, who really controls the algorithms of online platforms, and digital independence as an answer to our reliance on foreign platforms. Read more in my posts on digitalisation.

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I voted for the Western Rail Link

Mon, 08 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT

The visualisation of Veikkola railway station is by Länsirata Oy.

I voted in favour of Kirkkonummi joining the Western Rail Link.

Kirkkonummi's decision does not affect whether the line is built or not. That train has already left the station. Kirkkonummi's decision, however, affects whether Northern Kirkkonummi gets a commuter rail station or not.

When making significant decisions, they must be justified openly, based on knowledge.

Why did I vote for the Western Rail Link?

Kirkkonummi's share of the Western Rail Link would have totalled 26 million euros, while the cost estimate for the infrastructure to be built in Kirkkonummi included in the project was nearly 30 million euros. The agreement also includes a cost ceiling, beyond which a unanimous decision is required to increase expenditure.

Public transport is the only sustainable way to build a municipality. For many residents it is also the only way to get to work or access services, and bus transport is no substitute for a train. Once the line is complete, there will also be no direct bus connections from Northern Kirkkonummi to Helsinki — they will be converted to feeder services to Nummela and Hista.

I therefore saw no alternative but to support the Western Rail Link. Because I do not want Kirkkonummi to wither. And I do not want us to build our municipality on the assumption that everyone must have their own car.

Below is my speech in the municipal council that decided the matter on 8 December 2025.

My speech to the council on 8 December 2025

Thank you, Chair, tack ordförande.

Honourable colleagues, in this chamber our decisions should be based on the best available information, not on assumptions or beliefs. Especially now, when we face perhaps the most significant decision we will make as Kirkkonummi councillors. A decision that will affect the development of our municipality for decades if not centuries.

The most important piece of information is knowing how today's decision affects the Western Rail Link. The largest funding municipalities, Espoo and Turku, have already approved the shareholder agreement by clear margins. Kirkkonummi's share of the line, in turn, is smaller than the estimated cost of the infrastructure to be built in Kirkkonummi. Representatives of the other shareholders have also said that if Kirkkonummi withdraws, Kirkkonummi's station will be dropped.

In other words, based on the best available information, we are not today deciding whether the Western Rail Link will be built. We are deciding whether Northern Kirkkonummi will have a commuter rail station.

Based on the same best available information, it is clear that Kirkkonummi cannot conclude any separate agreement with Länsirata Oy. Not even if, as proposed by the municipal board, the municipality offers to pay half the cost of the infrastructure to be built. Our options are therefore either to participate in the shareholder agreement or not.

Concerns have been raised regarding the shareholder agreement and cost risk. It is true that all infrastructure projects involve their share of cost risks. In this case, however, the agreement includes an unambiguous ceiling on the state's financing contribution. Written legal interpretation provided under official accountability by the Ministry of Transport and Communications confirms that the same ceiling effectively applies to the municipalities' financing shares as well.

In other words, based on the best available information, the risk that Kirkkonummi would be unwillingly required to pay more for the line than the agreement obliges does not exist.

The key question therefore remains whether we want a station in Northern Kirkkonummi or not. If we wish to develop public transport in Northern Kirkkonummi, a railway station is essential. Good public transport supports residents and employment in the area. It brings growth and vitality.

For many, public transport is also the only option. For example, for upper secondary students fulfilling their compulsory education, for the elderly, or for families who cannot afford one or more cars. It is not merely an expense but part of the municipality's service network, just as roads and car parks are.

Therefore, based on the best available information, in order for Kirkkonummi to continue to be close to people and nature from Porkkala to Nuuksio — nära människan och naturen från Porkala till Noux — I see no alternative but to support the approval of the Western Rail Link shareholder agreement.

Updated 25 June 2026. The council voted against joining. My position has not changed.

The council decided otherwise, and I wrote about the consequences in The West Railway revealed problems in Kirkkonummi's governance. The broader context of the public transport funding crisis is in Public transport cannot keep getting more expensive. Read more in the Western Rail category.

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Fundamental rights must not be dismantled without justification

Thu, 04 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT

The government's plan to extend intelligence methods to combat crime without individual suspicion is a serious threat to fundamental rights — such a development does not belong in an open democracy. The government intends to open up section 10 of the Constitution in order to combat organised crime. That section safeguards the right to private life, honour, the sanctity of the home, and the confidentiality of correspondence and communications. These rights are cornerstones of democracy that protect citizens from state arbitrariness and abuse of power. Such a development does not belong in an open democracy — it is reminiscent of the surveillance measures of authoritarian states.

What is the government planning?

One of the most important and dangerous changes in the reform is the breach of privacy without case-specific justification. In other words, the police could, if they wished, use intelligence methods against individuals close to organised crime, even if the individual themselves were not under suspicion of a crime. Despite the limitations, this enables unjustified mass surveillance, as individualised suspicion or a high burden of proof is no longer required.

The right to private life and the confidentiality of communications are cornerstones of democracy.

What is dangerous is that the reform extends the application of intelligence legislation to combating crime. As the Parliamentary Ombudsman also stated, these methods were not designed for this purpose. A dystopian example of this was seen in the film The Dark Knight (2008), when Batman turned all Gotham residents' phones into microphones in order to find the Joker.

Are the benefits worth dismantling fundamental rights?

In addition to this, it is worth considering what benefits would actually be gained from this breach of fundamental rights. A short time ago, a global joint police operation was revealed in which encrypted phones sold to criminals were in fact made by the FBI. Is it credible that organised criminals would use unencrypted calls — which the police could listen to — to handle their affairs?

When touching fundamental rights, one must carefully consider whether the benefits are worth it.

The reform is reminiscent of the EU's CSAM regulation proposal (the proposal for a regulation on combating the sexual abuse of children online), in which real problems were approached with ineffective and risky means. Means whose consequences are either downplayed or not understood.

Why is the expedited procedure especially problematic?

Particularly questionable is that the law is intended to be enacted as urgent, without the normal two-term parliamentary process. Amending the constitution on an urgent basis should be exceptional and well-justified. Otherwise, it is important that the people can express their views on the matter at the ballot box.

Do we really want to take such a leap towards a surveillance society without appropriate public debate?

Updated 25 June 2026. The legislation is still pending. My position has not changed.

I have written more about digital rights and technology: about expanding the use of biometric identifiers in passports, about digital independence and about who decides what we talk about. Read more in my posts on technology.

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AI cannot do everything

Fri, 07 Nov 2025 00:00:00 GMT

AI cannot replace people or clear strategic planning — even though its potential in public services is real. Juhani Mykkänen, one of the founders of Wolt, has highlighted the possibilities of AI as a tool for making Finland's public services the best in the world. Others have had similar thoughts, looking at what kinds of companies have been founded to combine, for example, AI and healthcare.

What can AI do in public services?

AI is a tool that can be used to solve well-understood problems. The slowness of recording a doctor's observations is a good example of such a problem. Although AI does offer solutions, it also brings challenges. Studies have shown that the use of AI can weaken doctors' professional skills or worsen students' learning.

AI has its own strengths and weaknesses, which must be recognised if one wishes to make use of it.

What can AI not replace?

Digitalisation and AI could be better utilised in public services than they are at present. The key, however, is clear goals: poorly defined processes or objectives lead only to bad outcomes faster with AI. AI also cannot be held officially accountable, and the human consequences of individual erroneous outputs can be enormous, so expert assessment is still needed. AI also cannot replace human interaction.

How should AI be deployed in public services?

The billion-euro investment in public administration development proposed by Mykkänen is necessary, provided it is directed at effective measures such as service reform, strategic planning and selecting the right tools. AI offers tremendous possibilities, but making use of it requires a clear plan, selecting the right tools, and above all a human-centred approach.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

For a broader picture of society's digitalisation, see how algorithms steer our political discourse and what changes AI brings to private life in 2026. Public services' digital dependencies are also tied to the question of digital independence. All my writing on this topic is in the AI category.

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Who decides what we talk about?

Mon, 06 Oct 2025 00:00:00 GMT

Social media algorithms are steering our public discourse — and we have no guarantees that they are not being used deliberately to influence it. Do you follow the news via social media? Many people do, and social media is increasingly influencing what we talk about. Often the news itself reports on what someone did or said on Instagram or X, the former Twitter. From time to time, the latest TikTok trend also causes alarm. Then information is searched on Google, and news is commented on Facebook.

How does social media guide public debate?

A significant portion of all public and political discussion has now shifted into the sphere of influence of foreign social media giants.

Meta, which owns Facebook and Instagram among others, has announced it is stopping political, civic and election-related advertising on its platforms in the European Union. Previously, Google also made the same announcement. The companies justify their decision by citing the EU regulation on the transparency and targeting of political advertising entering into force in October.

In practice, however, the list of requirements is quite straightforward. Under the regulation, an advertisement must state who paid for it, which election or other procedure it relates to, whether the advertisement is targeted and if so, on what basis. None of these is an insurmountable requirement. For example, political advertisements on Facebook have already contained almost all the information required — it just has not been shown to users.

Meta and Google are stopping political advertising in the EU area.

Which direction are the platforms heading?

Alongside the end of political advertising, it is worth discussing the broader development of social media. Beyond Twitter's name change, the platform has effectively ended all content moderation. At the start of the year, Meta announced it was ending content fact-checking in the United States following political pressure.

Although buying visibility with money has not been unproblematic for the functioning of democracy and popular sovereignty, the current direction is unsustainable. For now it is the case that whoever controls the social media algorithms controls political and public discussion. And we have no guarantees that algorithms would not be used deliberately.

It is already visible how algorithms influence political activity. An increasing number of MPs have risen to prominence with the assistance of social media — that is, algorithms. Social media also continuously surfaces ever more radical opinions and proposals, which then even make it into the mainstream media and into public consciousness.

Until now, open democracies like Finland have been built on the premise that we are capable of long-term cooperation regardless of political orientation. That we listen to each other and discuss matters, even when they are not easy or straightforward.

Are we prepared for our public discourse to be steered by foreign large corporations?

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

AI makes this development even more complex — I have written about the limits of AI in public services and about what AI's breakthrough means for our private lives in 2026. One concrete answer to our dependence on foreign platforms is digital independence. See also my other writing on technology and society.

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Essays on immigration: myths about immigration

Wed, 03 Sep 2025 00:00:00 GMT

This is the eighth part of the series "Essays on immigration". Earlier parts of the series have covered the immigration debate, the scale of immigration, family-based immigration, labour-based immigration, those who came to study, those granted asylum and asylum seekers.

The most common myths about immigration can be refuted with evidence. Last week, a representative of a governing party spoke on television about immigration in a blatantly racist and offensive way. They also made several claims about immigration, most of which are at least questionable if not outright false. Since false information tends to stick easily in people's minds, it is worth reviewing how things actually stand.

For every asylum granted, fourteen times as many people immigrate for work.

Myth 1: Do people move to Finland in pursuit of social benefits?

The first persistent myth about immigration is that people move to Finland in pursuit of social benefits. The correct answer, however — excluding recent years' Ukrainians — is that the majority move to join family or for work. Each year, only a fraction of those who move here to work receive asylum. Those who come to study also outnumber those granted asylum many times over. In addition, the majority of those who have been granted asylum are also in employment.

It is also worth noting that for people immigrating on the basis of family ties, if they are not Finnish, the family must have sufficient income for family reunification to be permitted. The current government has also raised these thresholds considerably.

Foreigners working in low-wage sectors have to work very hard for their income to be sufficient for family reunification.

Myth 2: Do most immigrants come from Africa or the Middle East?

The second persistent myth is that an especially large number of people move to Finland from Africa or the Middle East. In reality, however, the majority of those moving to Finland come from elsewhere in Europe or from Asia. Estonians and Russians, for example, are the largest minorities in Finland.

Myth 3: Are immigrants poorly educated?

The third persistent myth is that those moving to Finland are poorly educated or have weak skills. However, the latest statistics show that the proportion of highly educated people among immigrants is 44 per cent. The corresponding figure for the entire Finnish population is 40 per cent. And the trend is downwards. It would of course be better to attract even more highly educated people to Finland, but equally we should be educating more Finns.

Immigrants have a higher level of education than Finns.

Myth 4: Do immigrants commit a disproportionate number of crimes?

The fourth and perhaps most persistent myth is that immigrants commit a disproportionately high number of crimes. Statistics show that people of foreign background account for 15 per cent of all suspected offenders, while their share of the population is 11 per cent. There is a small over-representation, but these are still only suspects, not convicted criminals. More interesting would be to examine what other factors are over-represented in the same statistics. Poverty and social exclusion, for example, can lead to crime. In a country where merely having a foreign-sounding name makes it harder to get a job, and where you hear on the evening news that you are of inferior quality, it is understandably difficult to feel that you belong to society.

The fact remains, however, that there are a significant number of people in Finland who believe immigration involves serious problems. In response to this, a report by Jussi Pyykkönen and Osmo Soininvaara titled "The Social Contract on Immigration" was published earlier this year. The report presents a clear and fair model for how immigration could work in Finland.

Because immigration is something that the world's fastest-ageing country needs.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed, but has developed: it is important to acknowledge honestly that diversity and the Nordic trust society can be in tension with each other. The answer to that tension is successful integration — not exclusion.

Read more about immigration: together we are stronger and everyone has the right to be proud of their existence. Read more in my posts on immigration.

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Public transport cannot keep getting more expensive

Mon, 25 Aug 2025 00:00:00 GMT

HSL's public transport funding model is on an unsustainable footing — the planned 20-per-cent fare increase will only reduce ridership and trigger a vicious cycle of decline. HSL, the joint municipal authority responsible for public transport in the Helsinki metropolitan area, is planning significant fare increases for buses and trains in the coming years. Increases of as much as 20 per cent for some ticket types by 2028 have been under discussion. For next year alone, a price rise of over six per cent for all travel is being planned. The current trajectory and HSL's entire funding model are on an unsustainable footing.

The infrastructure compensation agreement is unique in the world.

What is the problem with the infrastructure compensation arrangement?

Prices are being driven up in particular by the infrastructure compensation agreement, under which HSL must compensate municipalities and cities for the costs of infrastructure built for public transport, such as railway and tram tracks. The infrastructure compensation arrangement favours large cities, which use it to pass the costs of urban development onto other municipalities in the HSL area and onto public transport users. In addition, they receive all the benefit from the increase in land value brought by public transport. Nowhere else in the world is urban development financed in this way.

What vicious cycle do fare increases lead to?

The planned fare increases would cause the entire public transport system to spiral into a vicious cycle of decline. Rising ticket prices would lead to a reduction in the use of public transport, which in turn would increase pressure to raise prices further. Sensible municipal and urban development and the achievement of climate targets require increasing the volume of public transport, not reducing it.

With the measures currently under discussion, our public transport system is heading towards collapse. Dismantling the infrastructure compensation system is essential to securing the future of public transport in the HSL area.

Public transport is also why I voted for Kirkkonummi joining the Western Rail Link — a commuter rail station in Northern Kirkkonummi would have provided a sustainable alternative to car ownership. The council's decision to withdraw from the project has since caused significant disappointment, which I discuss in The West Railway revealed problems in Kirkkonummi's governance. Read more in the transport category.

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Everyone has the right to be proud of their existence

Wed, 25 Jun 2025 00:00:00 GMT

Gender and sexual minorities still face more discrimination and violence than others — and everyone has the right to be proud of their existence. Pride. Just reading that one word provokes a reaction in most people who see it. Some find it irritating. In some it awakens great anger. In others it may awaken frustration or indifference. Yet it is, as its name says, about pride. It is about every one of us having the right to be proud of existing. It is about every one of us having the right to exist, and to be proud of who they are.

What does Pride actually mean?

Even today, people belonging to sexual and gender minorities experience more discrimination, violence and stress than others. And it begins in youth. From the school health surveys we know that sexual and gender minority students already experience more loneliness, depression and discrimination than their peers. About twice as many rainbow young people also feel they do not have a good line of communication with their parents. Fortunately, however, school adults make up for this somewhat, and nearly as many rainbow young people as other young people feel they can talk about things on their mind with a trusted adult at school.

Equality has not yet been fully achieved anywhere. Not even in Finland.

Why does promoting equality benefit everyone?

Promoting equality and equal treatment increases people's wellbeing. In addition to that, diverse teams and companies outperform their competitors. They are more profitable, they attract more employees and they develop more new approaches and solutions. Nor are other communities, such as municipalities or villages, any different in this respect.

Pride is about sexual and gender minorities showing they exist. That sexual and gender minorities still do not have fully the same rights as others. That equality has not yet been achieved. And which of us would not want the same opportunities as others? Which of us would not want to be proud of existing?

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

I have written more about equality: about my council initiative for Pride flag flying in Kirkkonummi and about how the vote finally went. Read more in my posts on equality.

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Council initiative: annual Pride flag flying in Kirkkonummi

Tue, 17 Jun 2025 00:00:00 GMT

The Green Council Group and Lauri Lavanti, 16 June 2025

Flying the Pride flag costs the municipality very little — but for rainbow youth and other minorities it is concrete proof that Kirkkonummi stands behind the equality it promises in its strategy. In Finland, the activities of municipalities are guided by the Local Government Act, which obliges municipalities to promote the wellbeing of their residents and to organise services in an economically, socially and environmentally sustainable manner. In Kirkkonummi, this work is guided by the Local Government Act as well as the municipal strategy, whose objectives include, among other things, promoting equality and equal treatment.

Why does Pride flag flying fit Kirkkonummi's strategy?

Rainbow youth report in the school health survey significantly more loneliness, depression and discrimination than their peers. According to its municipal strategy, Kirkkonummi is a safe and youth-friendly municipality. The municipality now has an opportunity to demonstrate that these goals are being realised in concrete actions. Approving Pride flag flying would be a clear message that Kirkkonummi is committed to promoting equality and combating discrimination. It would also strengthen the sense of community that the municipality aims for in its strategy.

Pride flag flying is already in use in many cities and municipalities throughout Finland. For example, Finland's most attractive city, Tampere, flies flags during Manse Pride week, and our neighbouring city Espoo is a partner of Helsinki Pride. Behind Pride is a broad network of local and national actors. For example, the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland and the Association of Finnish Local and Regional Authorities have been Pride partners.

What does the initiative propose?

We, the undersigned councillors, propose that Kirkkonummi municipality adopts annual Pride flag flying in the colours of the rainbow flag. The flag flying would take place on the municipality's flagpoles during the national Pride week. Pride flag flying is a small and low-cost gesture for the municipality, but its symbolic significance for minority residents and their loved ones is enormous.

The Green Council Group

Updated 25 June 2026. The initiative was approved — see also how the vote went.

I have written more about equality: about everyone's right to be proud of their existence and about how the vote finally went. Read more in my posts on equality.

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A cold harvest for Kirkkonummi — a weak budget

Wed, 30 Apr 2025 00:00:00 GMT

The government's mid-term budget session has landed Kirkkonummi with nearly €800,000 in annual losses — significantly narrowing the new council's room for manoeuvre even before it takes office.

What does the mid-term budget session mean for Kirkkonummi's finances?

The government's mid-term budget session does not bode well for Kirkkonummi. The decision that most directly affects the municipality's finances is the government's direct cut to state subsidies. Although the cut is not large, in Kirkkonummi's case it amounts to losses of almost €800,000 on an annual basis. That is roughly what early childhood education for 69 children, basic education for 66 pupils or upper secondary education for 89 students costs per year. In addition to cutting directly from municipalities, the government is also reducing corporate tax, which further reduces the funds available to the municipality.

What investment needs are waiting?

Although previous councils have put the municipality's finances in good shape — thanks especially to the sale of the wellbeing centre — many additional costs are on the horizon. The costs of the Gesterby school complex, the upper secondary campus and Nissnikun school are only just coming. Kantvik school is waiting to get started and the Masala day-care centres are in need of renovation. At the same time, particularly in early childhood education, there is a shortage of staff, as we are forced to compete with nearby cities for the same skilled workers.

Unfortunately, all of this means that the new council is starting in an extremely unfavourable situation. It will be particularly interesting to see how representatives of the governing parties act at the local level. That is, whether the government's savings measures are maintained, or whether the costs are transferred from the state budget to the municipal budget and taxation from earned income tax to municipal or property tax.

Education is a long-term success factor

I particularly hope that Kirkkonummi will have the wisdom to look further over the horizon. Finland has risen to its current position with one of the world's best comprehensive school systems and a high level of educational attainment. Now, however, both are facing cuts, while the educational attainment level of young people has fallen below 40% — specifically to 39% (for comparison, the corresponding figure in Norway is 57%, in Sweden 54%, in Denmark 49%, and even the OECD average is 47%). All of it starts with how municipalities — including Kirkkonummi — take care of comprehensive school and upper secondary education. That is where the vast majority of the municipality's money goes.

Let us therefore take care of our future, starting today.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

I have written more about education: about why education is the municipality's most important task, about the government's education cuts and about whether education is under special protection. Read more in my posts on education.

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Education is the municipality's most important task

Wed, 09 Apr 2025 00:00:00 GMT

The most important topic in the municipal elections. Education. The most important and largest task of municipalities now that social welfare and health services are the responsibility of the wellbeing services counties. This Sunday we will find out what direction Finland's municipalities will take on education. Will we correct course back towards those times when small Finland was an education superpower? Or will we continue the current trajectory, in which education is becoming accessible to fewer and fewer people?

Early childhood education is where learning begins

Opportunities for education begin to be built even in early childhood education. It is also the moment when a child first encounters education organised by the municipality. High-quality early childhood education gives children the foundations for comprehensive school, regardless of their home circumstances. It is where good living habits and social skills are taught at a time when the child is especially receptive.

Comprehensive school and upper secondary — the foundation of the education pathway

In comprehensive school, the foundation for learning is laid, from which one can progress according to one's own potential. Learning does not happen, however, through discipline and the stick, but by giving teachers the opportunity to meet their pupils as individuals. By ensuring there is time for every child and the support they need. Credit must also be given to the government here: at least on paper, the learning support reform is a step in the right direction. At the same time, unfortunately, municipal funding has been cut, so the final outcome is still open. At the end of comprehensive school, every young person should also be given the best possible foundation for the choice of whether to continue to vocational college or upper secondary school.

Vocational education has unfortunately been the target of this government's special treatment and has thus suffered multiple cuts. Even if our goal were to raise the level of higher education, that does not remove the need for vocational experts. Vocational college is also part of many people's path to higher education — including mine. Municipalities can certainly try to improve vocational education from their end, but that requires decision-makers for whom education is more than ceremonial speeches.

If a young person chooses upper secondary school, they receive a general education for longer than a peer who chose vocational college. There, it is important to ensure that the young person has the foundations for the next level of education.

Why is lifelong learning a municipal responsibility?

And education does not end with higher education either — in a changing world, each of us needs to update our skills from time to time. Even though the government abolished adult education allowance. Some do this with their employer's assistance, others at their own expense, but some end up back in the sphere of municipal services at this point, through the municipal employment services.

So while education is one of the municipality's most central tasks, one could equally say that the municipality is one of the most central educators.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

On the government's education cuts I have written in two earlier pieces: One step forward, two steps back covers the cuts to vocational education, and Is education under special protection? is a rejoinder to the Minister of Education's comments. All my education posts can be found in the education category and early childhood education topics in the early childhood education category.

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An absolute no to upper secondary tuition fees

Wed, 26 Mar 2025 00:00:00 GMT

What has the government proposed?

The government has moved to promote a law that would introduce tuition fees for upper secondary education — i.e. upper secondary schools and vocational colleges. Municipalities could collect tuition fees from students coming from outside EU/EEA countries. These countries include, among others, Switzerland, Canada, the United States and Ukraine. Whether a student came to Finland specifically to study, as a refugee, or as the child of a highly skilled worker who immigrated for employment does not affect the tuition fee.

At the same time as the educational attainment of Finns is falling and the skills shortage is worsening, the government — led by the Minister of Education — is thus seeking additional barriers to education. What makes this particularly egregious is that even if a young person has lived in Finland for almost their entire life and attended comprehensive school here, they would be required to pay tuition fees upon moving to upper secondary school or a vocational college. In practice, a minor can only become a Finnish citizen through a guardian's application, so a child's citizenship depends on whether their parents meet the conditions.

Minister of Education Adlercreutz also said that if this proposal goes through, the state would no longer grant municipalities state subsidies for those students. The state thus wants to transfer its costs to municipalities, which would most likely result in the introduction of the aforementioned tuition fees to secure funding. This must not happen in Kirkkonummi.

Who would tuition fees actually affect?

The governing parties therefore want 600 children currently in early childhood education and basic education in Kirkkonummi to pay for upper secondary education. Do we really want them to be placed in a different position from their friends, neighbours and classmates, simply because their parents do not yet meet the conditions for Finnish citizenship? I do not want that. Upper secondary school and vocational education must remain free of charge.

Why must free education not be compromised?

Education must be restored to the respect it deserves in Finland. It has been and must continue to be the foundation of our success story, so it must not be irreversibly eroded.

Updated 25 June 2026. The tuition fees were approved. My position has not changed.

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A growing municipality needs a vibrant centre

Fri, 21 Mar 2025 00:00:00 GMT

A vibrant centre attracts new residents and businesses — and it is the best way to strengthen Kirkkonummi's finances and services in the long term. Imagine in your mind a Kirkkonummi whose centre is lively, bright and tidy. Where the centre has services and entrepreneurs, bustling and busy. Now that the Greens' long-held goal is being realised and the centre is being developed on a large scale, we have a golden opportunity to make Kirkkonummi the best municipality in Uusimaa. By building a centre where residents can live, be and do business well, right beside the railway station, we are securing the municipality's attractiveness for the future.

What does a vibrant centre bring to the municipality?

By attracting more residents and businesses to the municipality, we are taking care of the municipality's finances. This way we can ensure that the municipality's services — such as early childhood education and schools — are high-quality. Providing services is also more efficient when a larger share of residents live within walking distance of the municipal office. Appropriate premises can also be offered to businesses, provided that close cooperation with local businesses takes place in the planned commercial buildings.

How can Kirkkonummi stand out from its competitors?

As a neighbour of Espoo, we have an excellent opportunity to stand out favourably as a nature-close municipality where services work. Current Kirkkonummi residents year after year say that nature is the most important reason to live here, services notwithstanding. If we succeed in building our centre, both nature and services will be secure — thanks to the income brought by new residents and businesses.

According to the latest assessments, Kirkkonummi is among Finland's top 20 localities when measuring vitality, attractiveness and retentiveness. What if we were in the top 10?

What would that mean in everyday life? A short walk from the railway station there would be a café, a shop, health services and perhaps a pop-up market. A family with children could run their errands without a car. A young adult would consider staying in Kirkkonummi after starting work. A new resident would choose us over Espoo. Every new resident means more tax revenue — and that means better services for everyone.

Updated 15 September 2026. Development of the centre has moved forward: the second-phase local master plan for the municipal centre took legal effect in November 2025 after more than twenty years of preparation, the Kirkkonummentie and Överbyntie improvements will be completed in November 2026, and Lyyra, the House of Culture, opens in early 2027. The goal is unchanged — what matters now is the kind of centre we build on those plans.

I have written more about Kirkkonummi's development: the possibilities offered by Lyyra, the House of Culture, the need for long-term municipal planning and the importance of public transport for municipal development.

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Assumption is not worth knowledge

Thu, 13 Feb 2025 00:00:00 GMT

Municipal shared resources must be spent on the basis of evidence, not assumptions — challenge candidates to explain what their claims are actually based on. As the municipal elections approach, we have begun to see — and will continue to see — the most varied proposals and ideas about what should be done in Kirkkonummi. Bringing different ideas to the fore and choosing the best of them is one of the finest aspects of democracy and a multi-party system. At the same time, it is important to remember that decisions in municipalities are about how shared money is used for the common good. In that context, it is of paramount importance that decisions are based on knowledge rather than assumptions.

What does a municipal decision-maker need to know?

With the municipal elections in mind, it is worth keeping a few nuggets of information in mind. Such as the fact that municipalities do not decide on the curriculum. Or that teachers are highly trained professionals in their field. As are early childhood education teachers. It is also worth remembering that high-quality early childhood education and teaching can bridge the gaps created by home circumstances. Or one of my favourite facts: that investment in libraries has a direct impact on the development of literacy.

It is also knowledge that many of the municipalities' tasks are statutory — such as organising early childhood education and teaching. As a result, cuts to the state subsidies that municipalities receive are primarily visible elsewhere, such as in libraries, outdoor spaces and culture. Related to this is the knowledge that group sizes smaller than the statutory minimum, both in day-care centres and schools, promote learning but cost more. An interesting piece of information is also that in Espoo and Helsinki, huge day-care centres and large teaching groups frustrate many people.

A good nugget of knowledge is also that municipalities benefit financially from meeting their climate targets. Municipal Finance, from which municipalities borrow, offers cheaper loans to municipalities that reduce their emissions. Another spending-related fact is that physical inactivity and young people's mental health problems cost society billions of euros each year, to say nothing of social exclusion.

Why is knowledge a better basis for decisions than assumption?

The list of various nuggets of knowledge could go on for a long time, but the essential point is that information on the vast majority of matters is available. The question is whether one takes the trouble to find it out. And whether one believes the information once found. When it comes to money — and especially shared money — that would be desirable. Because that money is used to resolve matters that affect each of our everyday lives.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

I have written about evidence-based decision-making: on my vote for the Western Rail Link, on education as the municipality's most important task and on why the responsibility for a better future lies with us.

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Municipal elections decide everyday matters

Fri, 24 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT

Municipal elections are coming around again. At the time of writing, there are fewer than three months until they take place. Municipal elections are perhaps the finest and most important of all our elections, because we vote for local candidates to decide on local matters. On each of our everyday lives and the direction they will take over the next four years.

Local politics is, in the end, about everyday matters.

What does local politics mean in everyday life?

Local politics can sometimes feel complicated (and sometimes it is), but in the end it is about completely everyday matters. About where the local school or day-care centre will be. About where a road will be built and where a sports field will go. About whether young people will have space and opportunities to be safe. About whether we are investing in the future and in growth.

What future does Kirkkonummi have ahead?

Kirkkonummi is in the fortunate position that our finances are not in acute crisis and the municipality's population is on a growth trajectory. We have a fast rail connection to Helsinki as well as good road links for those who travel by car. Now is, however, the moment when we decide what our future will look like. Will we get young people's educational attainment rising again, will Finnish — and particularly Kirkkonummi — civilisation and culture survive budgetary pressures, and will we be able to integrate our new residents into our outstanding municipality? Will Kirkkonummi still be riding the crest of the wave for the next 700 years?

Giving up one's own time to look after shared matters is always a fine thing.

In local elections, we residents choose from among ourselves those whom we believe can best promote the interests of Kirkkonummi and its residents. I also want to take this opportunity to thank all those who have stood for election before and all those now putting themselves forward. Including those with whom I disagree. Sacrificing one's own time and energy to advance shared matters and democracy is always a fine and admirable thing.

Updated 25 June 2026. I was elected to Kirkkonummi municipal council.

I have written in more detail about municipal election themes: on education as the municipality's most important task, on the public transport cost crisis and on the need for a vibrant centre for a growing municipality.

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Together we are stronger

Thu, 09 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT

Growing polarisation is tearing Finland apart — challenges are solved through cooperation, not by blaming each other. As President of the Republic Alexander Stubb noted in his New Year's speech, we are a small nation whose strength has been facing hardships together. Along with community, culture, civilisation and freedom have always been our strengths. They are also what makes Finland worth defending.

Community, culture, civilisation and freedom make Finland worth defending.

What threatens our community?

Unfortunately, our country is simultaneously threatened by growing polarisation, a weak economic situation, slow economic growth and a collapsing birth rate. In addition, in the name of fixing the economic situation, Finnish culture, civilisation and education have been pushed into a corner.

The situation is not hopeless, however. Immigration could help us address both the economy and the birth rate. In labour productivity, there is much room for improvement. In the green transition, we can play a role larger than our size on international markets. And by looking after education and civilisation, we can ensure that we remain the world's happiest nation.

By treating those around us better, we reduce polarisation.

How do we build a better society together?

Many of these things start with each one of us. With how we treat those around us, how we speak about one another and how we regard each other. A fine example of coming together was the Folkhälsan Lucia collection before Christmas: when people showed in record numbers that racism is not Finnishness.

Cooperation is not new to us. After World War II, Finland rebuilt itself in roughly 20 years into one of Europe's most prosperous countries — without natural resources, relying only on labour, education and mutual trust. That did not happen through polarisation. The same logic applies today: challenges are solved through collective effort, not by blaming each other.

For the new year, I would wish one thing from everyone. Let us assume the best of one another. Every one of us is needed, and we will achieve nothing by refusing help.

I have written a broad essay on immigration: on the immigration debate, on the scale of immigration, on asylum seekers and about the four most persistent myths about immigration. Read more in my posts on immigration.

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Essays on immigration: on asylum seekers

Mon, 30 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT

This is the seventh part of the series "Essays on immigration". Earlier parts of the series have covered the immigration debate, the scale of immigration, family-based immigration, labour-based immigration, those who came to study and those granted asylum. A later piece on myths about immigration has also been published.

Asylum seekers do not live lavishly at taxpayers' expense — support amounts to less than €300 per month, and everyone has a legal right to apply for asylum regardless of their appearance.

How does the asylum process work?

As I wrote earlier, the asylum system is largely based on how badly Jews fleeing Germany were treated before the Second World War. That is why the foundation of the system is that anyone has the right to apply for asylum. And the principle is that asylum may not be refused until it has been verified that the applicant does not face death or another serious threat to their health in their home country. When processing applications, we are therefore literally dealing with matters of life and death.

The absolute prohibition on refoulement means that no one may be returned to their home country if there is a possibility that their life would be in danger there.

Processing asylum applications is therefore extremely demanding work. It is an appealable process in which the truthfulness of the applicant's account must be verified from extremely varied sources. Processing applications is not based on the feelings of the caseworker, or of anyone else, or on the applicant's external appearance. That is why it is also, regrettably, often slow. Admittedly, it does not help that this is an area where governments that are particularly critical of immigration tend to make cuts.

If an asylum application is approved, the applicant receives a residence permit in Finland. If the application is rejected, the applicant is deported. There is, however, one problem with the system here. If the applicant's home country does not wish to take them back, what can we do? There is no place where unwanted people can simply be dumped. I believe a realistic answer to that problem would be welcome in every Western country.

The need for asylum cannot be deduced from a person's appearance.

What support do asylum seekers receive?

There are also many different claims relating to the benefits paid to asylum seekers. In reality, the support works as follows: an applicant receives less than €100 per month if they receive meals at the reception centre; otherwise they receive at most €300 per month. Anyone who has done grocery shopping in recent years will know that it is not possible to live lavishly on such sums. If the applicant is granted asylum, they move into the normal Finnish social security system, and are also offered integration services — for good reason.

Similarly, the need for asylum is sometimes questioned on the basis of appearance. It is important to remember, however, that a threat to life or health is not visible from the outside. In some countries, sexuality, political ideology or religion can be sufficient grounds. None of these are visible externally in any way. Do not, therefore, judge by appearances.

Applying for asylum cannot be prohibited.

Is an asylum seeker in the country illegally?

No asylum seeker is an illegal entrant, an infiltrator or anything of the sort. All people in the world have an equal right to apply for asylum, regardless of whether they actually need it. And applying for asylum — and entering a country for the purpose of making such an application — is never illegal. Not even when Russia is the one who transported the applicant to the border.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

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Essays on immigration: those granted asylum

Fri, 27 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT

This is the sixth part of the series "Essays on immigration". Earlier parts of the series have covered the immigration debate, the scale of immigration, family-based immigration, labour-based immigration and those who came to study. Later pieces have been published on asylum seekers and myths about immigration.

On what grounds can someone be granted asylum?

For a person to be granted asylum in Finland, they must meet one of the conditions set out in the Geneva Refugee Convention. The conditions broadly amount to the requirement that the applicant's life or health must be at risk in their home country, for example on account of their beliefs or opinions. The same conditions apply to obtaining asylum from any other country that has signed the Convention.

The employment rate of those granted asylum is over 60%.

Are those granted asylum just a drain on public finances?

Those who have been granted asylum are often spoken of as a pure expense. In reality, their employment rate is over 60%, so this claim does not really hold up. An employment rate that high is quite an achievement for people who have moved to a completely foreign country — and generally a completely different continent. In most cases, at risk to their own lives, leaving behind their property and their loved ones. Those granted asylum are also often young, so they serve as something of a boost to our ageing population.

Quota refugees also belong to this group. They are people that the Finnish state receives from refugee camps maintained by the United Nations. They have been assessed by UNHCR, the UN refugee agency, as being in the greatest need. They are, therefore, those who need help the most. Finland has previously received 750–1,500 of them per year, but the Orpo government has decided to reduce the number to 500 per year.

On the subject of quota refugees, Osmo Soininvaara has proposed that Finland could, if it wished, prioritise receiving as quota refugees those people we believe will integrate here well. These could include, for example, doctors or other highly educated professionals. At present, UNHCR determines who comes, with refugee need taking priority. While that is also important, following Soininvaara's proposal it might be possible to receive more quota refugees here and thereby help more people.

After the Second World War, the world swore: never again.

Why does the asylum system exist?

At this point, it is perhaps worth recalling why the whole asylum system exists. Before the Second World War, many Jews sought to flee Germany but Western countries mostly refused to take them in, turning them away at their borders. Many of them did not survive the Holocaust. After that, the world swore: never again. With good reason. If you have never visited a concentration camp, I recommend it. It helps to put things in perspective.

While the refugee convention may well need updating for today's world, we cannot change it unilaterally. And as a small country whose entire existence rests on international agreements, it is not in our interest to destabilise the international treaty system further — even if Russia does not comply with it.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

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Essays on immigration: those who came to study

Thu, 19 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT

This is the fifth part of the series "Essays on immigration". Earlier parts of the series have covered the immigration debate, the scale of immigration, family-based immigration and labour-based immigration. Later pieces have been published on those granted asylum, asylum seekers and myths about immigration.

Why are international students a valuable asset?

In many respects, those who move to Finland from abroad to study are just as wonderful a thing as labour immigrants. Their education does cost society something, but nowadays those from outside the EU pay for it themselves (at least on paper — in practice universities have developed various scholarship solutions to attract students). At the same time, it is also an excellent opportunity to integrate them into society and gain new, young, skilled labour.

I have myself been responsible at university for the international students on my degree programme. Every foreign student I have met who came here was an extremely motivated individual. The greatest mistake we can make with them is to fail to employ them and make them part of our society.

If a student studying in Finland does not find work here during their studies, or even after graduating, they will certainly move out of the country.

How do we get students to stay in Finland?

Employers are, of course, key here. If a student studying in Finland does not find work here during their studies, or even after graduating, they will certainly move out of the country. We then lose the investment made in integration and education, as well as a potential new Finnish resident.

But students and student organisations also have an important role here. If events, company visits and other networking opportunities are organised only in Finnish and for Finnish speakers, international students lose the opportunity to integrate.

As an example of the opposite: I once recommended a foreign student I knew for a position at my workplace. They are still working there, almost ten years later.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

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Essays on immigration: labour-based immigration

Fri, 13 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT

This is the fourth part of the series "Essays on immigration". Earlier parts of the series have covered the immigration debate, the scale of immigration and family-based immigration. Later pieces have been published on those who came to study, those granted asylum, asylum seekers and myths about immigration.

Why is labour-based immigration a lottery win for Finland?

Labour-based immigration is always like a small lottery win for Finland. A professional in their field who is willing to move here, even though they could equally well have moved somewhere else. Through labour-based immigration we gain a person who has already been educated and raised to do value-creating work, pay taxes and buy services and goods from Finnish companies.

Those who have immigrated for work also have a higher employment rate than Finnish citizens.

In this case, the newcomer already has a job waiting in Finland. They have probably already looked into things about their new place of residence. And they will be producing something for which some company is willing to pay. Those who have immigrated for work also have a higher employment rate than Finnish citizens — which, admittedly, should not come as a great surprise.

Public debate often focuses on specialists, who are certainly needed, but it is also an undeniable fact that we will literally run out of people, especially in low-wage sectors, unless we attract more workers from abroad. Labour-based immigration fits this need perfectly.

What are the biggest barriers to labour-based immigration?

The biggest barriers to labour-based immigration are Finland's eroding international image, the racism faced by immigrants, permit processes and discrimination in job-seeking. Research has shown, for example, that in Finland it is harder to even get a job interview if your name sounds foreign. This would also be a good area for improvement as employment services transfer to municipal responsibility. In particular, cooperation between language teaching and employers could be increased so that language proficiency is not a requirement in roles where it is not actually needed. The removal of a labour market needs test is also worth considering. It has traditionally been defended on the grounds that employers would otherwise start importing cheap labour from abroad, but Finland's collective bargaining system can and should be strengthened by other means than artificially restricting the availability of labour.

Simply put, the best people go to work elsewhere.

We are competing for the same talent as all of Europe

Ultimately, we are competing for the same people as other European countries and the United States. In the international competition for talent, we cannot win against others with stricter immigration conditions or a poorer attitude towards foreigners. Simply put, the best people go to work elsewhere. And even those who do come here will certainly think carefully about how committed they want to be to a country that continually sets additional conditions on their right to stay.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

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Is education under special protection?

Thu, 12 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT

This piece is a rejoinder to Minister of Education Anders Adlercreutz's response to our earlier article.

Are the government's value choices right?

Thank you to the Minister of Education for his extensive response to our article. We agree with the Minister that public finances must be strengthened and the economy balanced. The fact that this is being used as justification for cuts to vocational education and training is, in many ways, incomprehensible and also contradicts the objectives the government has set. A reduction of 11,000 student places and particularly the education cuts targeting people retraining, combined with the previously implemented abolition of adult study allowance, are at odds with the market's need for vocational labour. The timing of the cuts also raises questions. Why cut before reforms whose cost implications have not yet materialised?

For example, the government reduced the taxation of ministers and the highest earners by 107 million euros.

In politics, it is always a matter of value choices: deciding where to invest and where to cut. While 120 million euros is being cut from vocational education, the government does find money for other things. For example, the government reduced the taxation of ministers and the highest earners by 107 million euros.

The cuts to vocational education were also justified by the argument that index increases have raised the absolute funding for vocational education. That is true, but for anyone who has done grocery shopping in recent years, it should be obvious that costs have also risen to record levels. Index increases, as their name implies, are simply a way of ensuring that funding levels keep pace with rising costs. They cannot be claimed to represent investment in education.

Investing in education is an investment in the future.

Do index increases make up for the cuts?

The government promised that education would be under special protection — it turned out otherwise. On the whole, the Minister of Education seems to have forgotten that investing in education is an investment in the future.

For a broader picture of education's role in the municipality, see Education is the municipality's most important task. Read more in the education category.

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Essays on immigration: family-based immigration

Sun, 08 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT

This is the third part of the series "Essays on immigration". Earlier parts of the series have covered the immigration debate and the scale of immigration. Later pieces have been published on labour-based immigration, those who came to study, those granted asylum, asylum seekers and myths about immigration.

Who does family-based immigration concern?

When a person moves to Finland on the basis of family ties, their integration into society does not start from zero. In this case, a spouse, child or parent of the immigrant already lives in Finland.

We do, however, need to help the newcomer integrate into Finland.

If the family member already living in Finland holds a residence permit, they must earn enough each month to support their spouse, child or parent as well. It is perfectly reasonable to have a debate about the income thresholds for this. If, however, the family member living in Finland is a Finnish citizen or a person granted asylum who meets certain conditions, the income thresholds do not apply. Regardless of whether the immigrant's family member is a citizen or not, we do need to help the newcomer integrate into Finland.

How can integration be supported?

For a spouse or parent, supporting integration can mean many different things. It can mean information about their rights in Finland available in their own language. It can mean Finnish language courses or help entering the labour market. Yle News or Kela's website in the immigrant's own language can be just as important as a job or a hobby. Organisations supporting immigrants also play a critical role in integration. Immigrant mothers in particular have faced challenges in integration, and it is important to direct resources towards challenges of this kind. In the worst case, an immigrant may receive no information at all about their rights and obligations.

For an underage child, integration primarily means participating in early childhood education or a preparatory class before school. Participation in hobbies also helps with integration. All of this requires, however, that the parents know these opportunities exist and know how to get their children into them.

No one integrates into a society in which they cannot find anyone close to them.

Why is family the cornerstone of integration?

In all of this, the most important thing to keep in mind is one thing: no one integrates into a society in which they cannot find anyone close to them.

8 December: added information that income thresholds do not apply to those granted asylum who meet certain conditions.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

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Congratulations, Finland!

Fri, 06 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT

Happy Independence Day to Finland, turning 107! It is a wonderful milestone for this Nordic welfare state, which by almost every measure is one of the best countries in the world to live in. Indeed, Finns have been the world's happiest people for the past seven consecutive years.

What is there to love about Finland?

Now is a good time to rehabilitate the reputation of patriotism. For I love my homeland Finland, which has taken care of me and my loved ones. Finland, where I received an excellent education. Finland, where school children can safely walk to school on their own. Finland, where my children receive world-class early childhood education. Finland, where no one is left alone. Finland, where everyone is equal. To love, celebrate and defend this — that is patriotism.

Why is equality a form of patriotism?

The Constitution defines the first fundamental right in Finland as all people being equal before the law. That means no one in Finland may be placed in a different position on the basis of gender, age, origin, language, religion, conviction, opinion, health, disability or any other personal reason. This is not always realised, but it must be striven for and practices must be improved. That is patriotism. Love of one's country.

Happy and peaceful Independence Day to all Finns and everyone living in Finland.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

I have written more about equality: about everyone's right to be proud of their existence, about my council initiative for Pride flag flying in Kirkkonummi and about myths about immigration. Read more in my posts on equality.

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Essays on immigration: the scale of immigration

Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT

This is the second part of the series "Essays on immigration". The previous piece in the series was about the immigration debate. Later pieces have been published on family-based immigration, labour-based immigration, those who came to study, those granted asylum, asylum seekers and myths about immigration.

How does Finland's immigration compare to Denmark and Sweden?

In discussions about immigration, it is often unclear what scale of numbers is being talked about. It can also be difficult for listeners to grasp how large or small the figures are when numbers are mentioned. Hundreds or hundreds of thousands may sound equally large or small. When talking about numbers, Denmark or Sweden are often cited as examples of the consequences of immigration, for better or worse — yet it is rarely explained how much or how little immigration Finland has compared to these two countries.

Around 300,000 people moved to Finland between 2011 and 2021.

Denmark has roughly as many people as Finland, but twice as many people move there each year as to Finland. Since this has been going on for decades, it amounts to several hundred thousand more immigrants than Finland has.

Sweden, in turn, receives proportionally three times as many people per year as Finland, relative to population size. In absolute terms, that means roughly six times the annual immigration. For example, between 2011 and 2021 one million more people moved to Sweden than to Finland, with around 300,000 moving to Finland in the same period.

What can we learn from Sweden's example?

When discussing Sweden's immigration, it should be noted that the country has had many problems in recent years with people of immigrant background, especially second-generation immigrants. According to Swedish researchers, this is largely because Sweden built separate residential areas — so-called "million programme" suburbs — into which many immigrants moved. Social services, schools and other services were subsequently cut in those areas. This is a story of segregation, as a result of which many have experienced criminal activity as their only means of living the life they want.

The other side of the coin, however, is that the Swedish economy has performed considerably better than Finland's — and one major reason for this is the scale of immigration. Immigrants often have more children than Swedes or Finns. They are also often of working age. As a result, Sweden's age structure is considerably healthier than Finland's. Our public finance problems stem largely from a poor demographic structure — the so-called pension time bomb, in which there are more pensioners relative to a shrinking working-age population.

In 2022, 100,000 Ukrainians came to Finland.

Three numbers worth keeping in mind

Overall, Finland has literally a fraction of the immigrants that Denmark or Sweden have. Comparing ourselves with them is therefore not very meaningful in most cases. A possible Swedish or Danish path is still far in the future — and even then only if we make the same mistakes. And in fact, that is one of the most meaningful ways to compare ourselves with Denmark and Sweden: to look at what mistakes they have made, for example in integration, and compare those measures with Finland's equivalents.

On the subject of the scale of immigration, three key figures are worth bearing in mind. First, the number of Ukrainians who came to Finland in 2022: 100,000. Second, the Confederation of Finnish Industries' estimate of the level of labour immigration needed to secure the pension system: 40,000. And finally, the total number of people who move to Finland each year: approximately 40,000 — roughly the same as the population of Kirkkonummi.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed.

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Essays on immigration: on the immigration debate

Fri, 29 Nov 2024 00:00:00 GMT

This is the first part of the series "Essays on immigration". The series has since been followed by pieces on the scale of immigration, family-based immigration, labour-based immigration, those who came to study, those granted asylum, asylum seekers and myths about immigration.

The immigration debate in Finland is difficult because terms are constantly conflated — a productive discussion requires precise concepts.

Why is the immigration debate so hard to have?

Public debate on immigration is rife with imprecise terms and assumptions, which makes the discussion extremely difficult to have. If asylum seekers, refugees, labour migration and other forms of immigration are all mixed up together, you can be sure the debate will not be productive. This is partly why the topic has mainly remained the preserve of those who are critical of immigration. Yet it is such an important part of our society that proper debate must take place — using the right terms.

What problems does immigration involve?

It is true that immigration involves problems. Integrating into a country that speaks one of the world's most difficult languages is not easy. Nor do we make it easy through racism, inadequate services and discrimination in job-seeking. In day-to-day life, integration is determined by ordinary interactions, and in that we Finns hold a key role. We cannot demand that immigrants integrate if we ourselves do not make it possible.

Is reducing immigration even a realistic option?

Stopping or significantly reducing immigration is not even a realistic alternative. Immigration is an inseparable part of globalisation, in which companies seek abroad the labour they cannot find at home. The majority of immigrants who come to Finland do so either to join a working spouse or to come to work themselves. In addition, any European Union citizen has the right to move here. It should therefore be obvious even by common sense that since we cannot close our borders, it is worth trying to benefit from immigration as much as possible.

In the end, the matter is also this: without immigration, we can bid farewell to the welfare state that previous generations built. Simply put, Finnish birth rates are not sufficient to ensure there will be enough workers here in the future. At the very least, we would run out of people to staff elder care, to say nothing of other productive work. Most of Kirkkonummi's growth also comes from immigration.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed, but has developed: precise terms are still a prerequisite for a useful conversation, but it is also important to acknowledge honestly that diversity and the Nordic trust society can be in tension with each other. The answer to that tension is successful integration — not exclusion.

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One step forward, two steps back

Wed, 27 Nov 2024 00:00:00 GMT

The government's upper secondary education reforms are necessary — but the simultaneous cuts of around €120 million to vocational training effectively cancel them out.

What reforms are planned for upper secondary education?

Parliament currently has two legislative proposals before it whose purpose, if enacted, is to reform upper secondary education. On one hand, the aim is to reform vocational education and training (VET) so that it better meets the need for continuous learning and further training. On the other hand, VET will also be affected by the reform of learning support, which aims to shift the emphasis from individual support to preventive group-level support.

In Kirkkonummen Sanomat (23.10.2024), Minister of Education Anders Adlercreutz was interviewed about the ongoing reforms and expressed satisfaction with how upper secondary education could better respond to current working-life needs and support pupils in graduating. We agree that the legislative reforms are good and necessary. What is cause for concern, however, are the simultaneous cuts to VET funding. Cuts of approximately €120 million have been planned for education. The additional €10 million in funding for implementing the above-mentioned legislative proposals does not make up for these cuts — and vocational education, which was already underfunded before, will be left in an even weaker position after this government.

The cuts will therefore unavoidably also affect pupils of compulsory school age.

Why do the cuts undermine the reforms?

The government has defended its cuts to VET by arguing that they would not affect the education of young people of compulsory school age. However, education providers do not organise teaching separately for compulsory-age pupils and, for example, adults changing careers — teaching takes place in the same groups, the same premises and with the same equipment, for both initial qualification students and adult students. The cuts will therefore unavoidably also affect pupils of compulsory school age.

Vocational education in particular has an increasingly high proportion of young people in difficult life situations. A significant share of special and intensive support education is delivered in vocational institutions, and the number of pupils needing support is growing all the time. The cuts endanger the ability to keep all young people on the educational pathway. Moreover, it is extremely short-sighted to make it harder to change careers or gain necessary additional qualifications through vocational studies at a time when many sectors are suffering from a shortage of skilled labour.

It is therefore clear that if there were ever any easy savings to be found, those savings have already been made before the forthcoming new cuts.

How are the cuts affecting Omnia?

Omnia, the joint municipal authority providing vocational education in Kirkkonummi, Espoo and Kauniainen, is planning its future from a very challenging financial starting point. In addition to the actual cuts, temporary additional funding — for example for practical nurse training and apprenticeship training — is coming to an end. Furthermore, Omnia's state subsidy funding for 2024 was unexpectedly almost six million euros lower than the completed student-years and the regional training need would have suggested. This reduction in funding led to severe financial and operational adjustments at Omnia, which also resulted in redundancies. It is therefore clear that if there were ever any easy savings to be found, those savings have already been made before the forthcoming new cuts.

As a whole, these steps forward do not compensate for the steps backwards the government is taking at the same time. Vocational education needs and deserves financial stability and adequate additional resources to carry out its important and increasingly challenging task — not cuts.

The Minister of Education responded to our article — and we responded back: Is education under special protection? For a broader picture of why education is the municipality's most important task, from early childhood education to lifelong learning, see Education is the municipality's most important task. All my education posts are in the education category.

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Responsibility for a better future lies with us adults

Sat, 05 Oct 2024 00:00:00 GMT

Growing up in a world of crises

The financial crisis, Covid, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, stagnant economic growth, state and municipal debt, runaway housing prices, declining educational standards, falling birth rates and a weakening demographic structure, growing youth violence, severe bullying, a sense of insecurity, climate change, biodiversity loss. The 21st century, and the 2020s in particular, has been full of crises and bad news. It is no wonder that many young people are struggling.

At the same time, Finland is a safer country than it has ever been. Climate change can still be limited to two degrees. Biodiversity loss can be halted. There is still time to balance public finances. Immigration is on the rise. Our standard of living is higher than ever. And we are, by research, the happiest nation in the world. Although there is still much to be done, the situation is not hopeless.

What does adult responsibility entail?

One of the most important tasks is caring for the next generation. That also means we must leave the world in better shape than we found it. It all starts with the example we show children and young people. If adults are hopeless, what chances do young people have? At the same time, if we adults do not take young people's concerns seriously and show that we are working to improve the situation, what hope do they have?

Most worrying in the general debate right now, however, is how many people reduce young people's difficulties to simply bad behaviour — or even blame the young people themselves. Children and young people have very limited possibilities to influence the world and society around them. The greatest responsibility for the direction of their world lies with us adults.

Updated 25 June 2026. My position has not changed. The responsibility for children's and young people's world remains with us adults.

I have written more about the future of children and young people: on the consequences of cutting spending on children, on education as the municipality's most important task and on Finland's progress towards greater equality.

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Standing in the municipal and regional elections 2025

Wed, 25 Sep 2024 00:00:00 GMT

Why am I running in the municipal elections 2025?

💚 A growing and sustainable Kirkkonummi

I am standing for election in the 2025 Kirkkonummi municipal elections. In politics, what matters most to me is caring for the opportunities of children and young people. Underpinning this is a vibrant municipality that needs entrepreneurship, jobs and culture. All of this should happen within the limits that nature allows. Because these are public funds, decision-making must be open, transparent and democratic.

I have written in more detail about my election themes: on the adequacy of early childhood education, on education as the municipality's most important task and on the public transport cost crisis.

💸 Funding

Campaigning is not free. I have been saving for these elections myself for some time. You can always find my campaign budget and actual expenses here.

Regional elections 2025

💚 A growing and sustainable Western Uusimaa

I am standing for election in the 2025 Western Uusimaa regional elections. Following the social welfare and health care reform, social and health services were transferred to the responsibility of the wellbeing services county. Even though decision-making there covers the whole region, Kirkkonummi must also be represented. The wellbeing services county decides on matters such as maternity and child health clinics, school pupil welfare services and the locations of health centres, and this cannot be overlooked if we want to ensure that Kirkkonummi remains vibrant in the future.

🔗 Links

Voting advice applications

One of the most time-consuming individual tasks in elections is filling in voting advice applications. Below you will find links to all my answers in the various applications.

My answers to Yle's municipal election voting advice application in Finnish, på svenska or in English
My answers to Yle's regional election voting advice application in Finnish, på svenska or in English
My answers to Länsiväylä's municipal election voting advice application
My answers to Länsiväylä's regional election voting advice application

My pledges

In elections, various organisations approach candidates in the form of pledges. Below you will find the pledges I have signed.

My pledge to promote human rights and equality on Seta's website
The Child Welfare Association's pledge in the municipal elections and regional elections
The Finnish Association for Nature Conservation's pledge to protect local forests in the municipal elections

Cutting early childhood education funding does not pay

Wed, 21 Aug 2024 00:00:00 GMT

The Petteri Orpo government intends to remove the obligation for municipalities to produce a municipal-level early childhood education plan and kindergarten-specific equality plans. Both the Finnish National Agency for Education and the Early Childhood Education Teachers' Union have criticised these measures. Minister of Education Anders Adlercreutz stated that the removal of municipal early childhood education plans was based on a report by the Finnish Education Evaluation Centre (Karvi), but Karvi itself has also criticised the abolition of municipal early childhood education plans. (HS 30.7.2024)

What are the actual savings?

According to the government, by abandoning the municipal early childhood education plan, municipalities would save 1.8 million euros per year. That amounts to less than 6,000 euros in savings per municipality per year. By way of comparison, Kirkkonummi alone spends approximately 28 million euros per year on early childhood education.

What practical harms follow from removing the plans?

If municipal early childhood education plans are abandoned, every kindergarten will have to base its activities on the national early childhood education plan. This means more planning work for kindergarten staff. Municipal early childhood education plans also serve as a tool for harmonising the quality of early childhood education across the municipality's various kindergartens, and they are also an important tool for monitoring the quality of private kindergartens in the municipality — which account for around 30% of day-care places.

The government estimates that abolishing kindergarten-specific equality plans would save 44,000 euros per year across the whole country. That amounts to less than 200 euros per municipality per year.

However, it is important that the equality plan be kindergarten-specific, since every kindergarten differs in terms of its children, parents and staff. In the worst case, ending equality work could lead to kindergartens failing to take account of the needs of children with different backgrounds — costs that society would then bear at a later stage when children are unable to start school on equal footing.

Fortunately, Kirkkonummi can be wiser than the government in these matters and continue to produce these plans. Other municipalities competing with us for families with children will certainly do so. In practice, the government's saving through this measure is simply a transfer from one budget to another — from the state to the municipality — with the same taxpayer footing the bill regardless.

Updated 25 June 2026. The government went ahead with the cuts. My position has not changed — municipalities were stripped of valuable quality-assurance tools for marginal savings.

I have written more about early childhood education: about the home care allowance supplement, about club activities, about the adequacy of early childhood education and about why education is the municipality's most important task. Read more in my posts on early childhood education.

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The Varuboden-Osla co-op elections affect us all

Thu, 04 Apr 2024 00:00:00 GMT

It is worth voting in VBO's co-op elections — with turnout under 20 per cent, a single vote has an unusually large influence on the outcome. This April the Varuboden-Osla co-op elections are being held, in which the VBO delegate assembly is elected for the next four years. The delegate assembly gets to influence both VBO's and, more broadly, SOK's operations, and represents all customer-owners in the direction of the co-operative.

Why is a cooperative different from a regular shop?

Co-operative stores are different from ordinary stores in that as co-operatives their task is not to generate profit for shareholders, as with companies, but to obtain services and/or products for co-operative members at favourable prices. For Varuboden-Osla and other SOK co-operatives, that means primarily food. Varuboden-Osla could therefore very easily ease the situation for its customer-owners in these difficult times by further reducing food prices.

Co-operative stores also have a local impact in other ways. They are significant employers — VBO, for example, employs almost 1,000 people. VBO also supports local entrepreneurs by favouring local food. A co-operative can promote healthy and sustainable choices, for example through pricing. A local shop can support the vitality of villages by bringing several services together under one roof. In the co-operative's delegate assembly it is possible to influence these and many other matters!

How can you make a difference by voting?

Although the co-operative's delegate assembly exercises significant power, the turnout in the previous elections was under 20 percent. In these elections every vote therefore counts — do remember to use yours!

A turnout of under 20 percent means that in practice a small fraction of customer-owners decides the entire composition of the delegate assembly. VBO has around 80,000 customer-owners — if fewer than one in five votes, the result is determined by just a few thousand ballots. In other words, a single candidate can be elected with only a few hundred votes. That is exceptional in any election: rarely can one person influence the outcome so easily. In that sense the co-op elections are a good reminder that voting is always worth it.

Updated 15 September 2026. The election was held in April 2024 and turnout rose to 22.4 percent, up from 15.6 in the previous election. The under-20-percent figure I assumed was therefore exceeded, but the core of the argument still holds: four in five customer-owners did not vote, and a seat could still be won with a few hundred ballots. The next co-op elections are in 2028.

Read more about civic participation and the future of Kirkkonummi: why the municipality must plan for the long term, why responsibility lies with us adults and how our local nature is one of our greatest strengths.

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Our nature is our trump card — year after year

Wed, 31 Jan 2024 00:00:00 GMT

Local nature is Kirkkonummi's most important draw — and municipal decisions must reflect that every time zoning or budgeting is on the table.

What does participatory budgeting tell us about residents?

Participatory budgeting voting has begun in Kirkkonummi, and it again shows that local nature is one of the most important things to residents. A practical example of this is Kirkkolaaksonpuisto and the central sports park, which in recent years have been comprehensively renovated with playgrounds reshaped into open lawn areas. Of the participatory budgeting ideas, 15 were various ways to add trees, shrubs, flowers or other nature to the area. In total, almost half of the proposals relate to improving local nature or moving in nature.

What did the forest strategy survey reveal?

The same was visible when the municipality commissioned a survey on the new forest strategy, with 90% of respondents saying that the recreational values of nature are more important than any income that might be derived from it. The same recurred in the open comments. For forests, the primary wish is protection and recreational use. One fine idea was the thought that Kirkkonummi could one day have old-growth forest. Imagine if you did not need to travel to eastern Finland to see it, but a half-hour train journey from Finland's capital would suffice.

The same is often noticeable when talking with people who have moved to the municipality; they come here because they want to live close to nature while still being near work and services. The same is well stated in Kirkkonummi's municipal strategy, in which the first factor for the strategy's success is "Proximity to nature is our charm factor." And as both the forest strategy survey and the participatory budgeting ideas show once again, it remains one of the most important things in our municipality.

How should nature feature in municipal decision-making?

There are now two clear development areas for the municipality — our forests and Kirkkolaaksonpuisto — and a clear message that our primary factor in the municipal strategy has been correctly identified. Now we must remember to look after local nature in all of the municipality's decision-making.

Updated 25 June 2026. Kirkkonummi is renewing its municipal strategy — it is important that proximity to nature remains a top priority in the new strategy as well.

I have written more about local nature and planning: about protecting nature near schools and kindergartens, about a growing municipality's need for a vibrant town centre and about Lähteelä, a coastal gem that now belongs to all of us.

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New year, familiar poor winter maintenance in Kirkkonummi

Sat, 20 Jan 2024 00:00:00 GMT

Kirkkonummi's winter maintenance is inadequate for pedestrians and cyclists — and the same problem recurs year after year. Now that we are well into winter, you can once again notice how different a municipality Kirkkonummi is in winter compared to the other three seasons. Getting around here in winter is many times harder — if not outright impossible.

What has the situation been like this winter?

This winter, maintenance worked reasonably at first, until the first thaws arrived just before Christmas. At that point we got to enjoy a thick layer of slush, which was then allowed to freeze into a surface more uneven than Helsinki's cobblestone streets. There were even whole days when roads had not been ploughed even in areas close to the centre.

For pedestrians, that was only the opening act. Since then we have seen so many days with light traffic routes awaiting ploughing; gritting that melts through the ice in an instant; extra snowdrifts ploughed off the road onto pavements; snow walls waiting at junctions; paths ploughed impossibly narrow; and roads that look more like potato fields than routes meant for travel. Try pushing a child in a pram for their afternoon nap when they are more likely to get a concussion from the walk than sufficient rest.

How could things be different?

Things could be different. In Oulu, for example, where people live more spread out than here, light traffic is given much higher priority, and it shows in how locals get around. And even if the goal were not to increase everyday physical activity, the minimum standard should be that in the most densely populated areas everyone can get around without a car.

What if next winter we tried out what it feels like when winter maintenance receives sufficient investment?

Updated 25 June 2026. The problem remains — winter maintenance quality varies year to year and no structural change is in sight.

I have written more about transport and infrastructure: about cycling and light traffic infrastructure and about the public transport cost crisis. Read more in my posts on transport.

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The municipality must plan for the long term

Mon, 25 Sep 2023 00:00:00 GMT

Municipal decisions have consequences stretching decades into the future — which is why the service network must be developed with long-term thinking, not just as a reaction to individual controversies. Kirkkonummi's service network survey has generated a great deal of discussion since its publication. After it was reported in Kirkkonummen Sanomat, particular attention has been paid to the mention of Laajakallio School. A petition to preserve the school has also been launched and is gathering signatures at a good pace.

Why is long-term planning important?

Conducting such a survey in the first place is an excellent thing. When decisions are made in the municipality about zoning different areas or acquiring and renovating properties, those decisions affect the municipality's operations for decades. Without assessing the impact of decisions, it is impossible to know whether they are taking the municipality in the desired direction. The municipality can, however, through its own actions, influence both how many people live in an area and what kinds of services — and how many of them — are available to residents.

What kind of Kirkkonummi do we want to build?

The proposed measures in the survey are based on various alternative future scenarios. For example, converting Laajakallio School into a larger kindergarten is based on scenarios that appear reasonable, in which the number of children in the Centre area grows over the next 20 years. It would appear that the proposed measures are based on the assumption that kindergarten capacity will run out while schools would have sufficient capacity without Laajakallio School. Of course, families with children often also look at local services — such as schools and kindergartens — when choosing where to live, meaning that closing a school could disrupt good population growth.

Now is an excellent opportunity for the municipality's decision-makers to show whether we want to build a Kirkkonummi where everything is large and centralised, or whether we want more villages like Laajakallio and Sundsberg. For my part, I have always seen the village character as one of our strengths.

Updated 25 June 2026. Laajakallio School was saved. The right decision.

I have written more about the municipality's long-term development: the need for a vibrant centre for a growing municipality, the possibilities offered by Lyyra, the House of Culture and why education is the municipality's most important task.

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With words we shape reality

Thu, 07 Sep 2023 00:00:00 GMT

Updated 25 June 2026. I wrote this post in September 2023 and was cautiously optimistic about the Orpo government's anti-racism communication. That optimism proved premature — the government has not followed the spirit of the communication; immigration policy has tightened and anti-racism work has been sidelined. The core argument about the importance of language remains as relevant as ever.

Racism cannot be tackled by banning its consequences alone — addressing root causes is essential, and that starts with language. The Government's communication on promoting equality, gender equality and non-discrimination in Finnish society — more colloquially known as the anti-racism communication — is an important step in how our society addresses racism. As the communication states, we have problems with structural racism and discrimination, and denying them does nothing to help fix them.

Why do we need to address the root causes?

As we now move to combat racism and implement measures against it, it is important to remember to address the root causes of racism rather than just its symptoms. If we focus only on updating criminal law and banning things, racism will not diminish significantly. Racism is probably not a problem that can be entirely eliminated, but we can improve matters a great deal.

And as economists can tell us, we need significantly more labour-based immigration.

What does anti-racism mean in practice?

Combating racism — that is, anti-racism — is beneficial in that it helps both Finnish people and those with foreign backgrounds, whether they are asylum seekers or people who have moved here for work. As racism decreases, so does the sense of otherness and marginalisation they experience, and it becomes easier for all of us to discuss the challenges related to integration. It is therefore wonderful that the new Government is taking up this work that was already begun in the previous term! Even if it took significant public pressure to get there. And as economists can tell us, we need significantly more labour-based immigration.

Racism and the discourse associated with it can also concretely endanger our safety. An example of this is the population replacement theory, which the National Bureau of Investigation has classified as far-right, and which has now led to a terrorism investigation in Lahti, where suspects had armed themselves in preparation for resisting population replacement.

Let us follow the Government's example towards a Kirkkonummi free from racism.

I have written more about the immigration debate: on the immigration debate in general and on the four most persistent myths about immigration. Words also matter in how Kirkkonummi signals its values: see how the council's rainbow flag decision put words into action.

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Things were better before

Fri, 16 Sep 2022 00:00:00 GMT

Kirkkonummi's transport infrastructure has been built on the terms of private car use — and it is pedestrians, cyclists and families with children who pay the price. That is, for light traffic — for example pedestrians and cyclists. Today, car use seems to be an ever more central part of our lives, and it is already used to justify the marketability of apartments. The car is often offered as a solution to many problems, even though it is frequently part of what caused the problem in the first place. What if we approached solutions from a slightly different angle?

Is the car essential for commuting?

The first and most common reason for travelling anywhere is going to work. Over 60% of the municipality's working residents commute to the Helsinki metropolitan area, and of these, nearly half to Espoo. Getting to work is of course essential, but the car does not need to be the primary mode of transport for everyone. To Espoo, for example, one could cycle even year-round, provided the infrastructure is adequate. This has already been done successfully in Oulu, and it would not be impossible in Kirkkonummi either. Another option is public transport, which suffers from a kind of vicious cycle: when bus or train timetables do not suit you well, you are more likely to use your own car — and when more people use their own cars, public transport becomes less viable and is cut back.

What if local services were genuinely nearby?

For families with children, another need for travel is children's hobbies. Especially when children first need to be brought home after school and then taken to hobbies and back later in the evening. But if hobbies were organised around the school day — for example right after school in the same area — the need for trips would decrease significantly.

In particular, children of kindergarten age need to be driven to and from kindergarten and cannot be sent on their own.

Which brings us to the next travel need for families: school and kindergarten transport. Even if it were financially beneficial for the municipality to close smaller schools and kindergartens and consolidate institutions, that does not make daily life easier for families with children. In particular, children of kindergarten age need to be driven to and from kindergarten and cannot be sent on their own. The shorter the distances, the higher the threshold for going by car, which also avoids the problems of drop-off traffic.

City centres and the cost of inactivity

The centre of Kirkkonummi has also changed significantly over the years and continues to change. More parking has been added, but at the same time more shops have closed than opened. Meanwhile, around the world, there is a growing shift towards car-free city centres, and Finnish research also shows that cyclists and pedestrians bring more money to local shops than those arriving by car. What if we applied more of the same thinking to our own town centre? What would Kirkkonummi's centre look like then?

The estimated cost of physical inactivity to the state is €3.2–7.5 billion per year.

According to the most recent personal mobility survey, the car is already the primary mode of transport for trips of under 3 kilometres. The same applies to trips of under 10 minutes. At the same time, according to a Ministry of Transport and Communications study, the estimated cost of physical inactivity to the state is €3.2–7.5 billion per year. The significance of cycling and walking for health is enormous, and while car use does bring great freedom of movement, it can also be dangerous for light traffic, as anyone who has walked or cycled in Porkkalanniemi can attest from personal experience.

While waiting for a golden mean, let us all try to be a little less rushed and make room for the journey itself.

Updated 25 June 2026. The situation has not changed materially — Kirkkonummi's transport infrastructure remains built around private car use. The argument in this post is still current.

I have written more about public transport and infrastructure: about the public transport cost crisis, about my vote for the Western Metro extension and about winter maintenance problems. Read more in my posts on transport.

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Local nature must be cherished

Sat, 21 May 2022 00:00:00 GMT

Keijukaispuisto's forest is local nature that must not be felled — the nearby school and nursery use it almost daily, and there is no equivalent replacement area in the vicinity.

What is happening in Keijukaispuisto?

Kirkkonummi's zoning programme includes a project card called Keijukaispuisto (Fairy Park). The area is located between Laajakallio School and the rug-washing jetty. The project card justifies construction of the area with the phrases "The park's use for recreation is minimal" and "Good outdoor and recreational opportunities exist in the vicinity of the area." However, this small and seemingly harmless zoning area is more significant than its size suggests.

Why is this particular forest especially valuable?

Laajakallio School and kindergarten go on excursions to the forest almost daily. A nature trail and an outdoor classroom have also been built in the forest. It is wonderful that the kindergarten and school are able to introduce children to nature and the plants growing there. Laajakallio kindergarten is also specialised in environmental education. I have visited the nature trail with my family, and the children find it very interesting. I would therefore argue that the park's use is not minimal at all.

In the Laajakallio area generally, almost all forested areas have been cleared, particularly on the eastern side of the rock, where Keijukaispuisto is also located. Although the Heikkilä area's forests are relatively close, a great deal of residential construction has been zoned there for the coming years, and it is unlikely that any significant forest will remain there either. Yet no other forest is as accessible to the school and kindergarten, or could replace the current one.

Does every forest have to be felled?

Kirkkonummi is a large municipality by area. While it makes sense to build housing along good transport links, such as the railway line, that does not mean every forest needs to be felled. In surveys of residents, local nature and forests repeatedly emerge as one of our greatest attractions. What if we made sure that local nature is also available in the future?

This data cannot be kept separate from zoning decisions. If local nature is the reason people choose Kirkkonummi, it is consistent to protect it even when an individual project seems small. A felled forest does not grow back for decades. A patch the size of Keijukaispuisto may feel marginal, but it is part of a larger picture: what kind of municipality do we want to be?

Updated 15 September 2026. Keijukaispuisto was kept as forest, and the project is no longer in the zoning programme. The right decision — the nature trail and the outdoor classroom are still in use by the school and the day care centre.

I have written more about local nature and planning: our nature is our trump card year after year, the need for a vibrant centre for a growing municipality and Lähteelä — a gem on Kirkkonummi's coast.

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Health belongs to everyone

Wed, 19 Jan 2022 00:00:00 GMT

One practical matter that the incoming regional councils will decide on is client fees for social and health care services. Client fees are usually used as a tool for fiscal adjustment, since they provide an easy way to generate additional income for the service provider. However, they are also inequitable and, in the long run, drive up costs.

Why are client fees a problem?

Fees in the public sector are not usually very high compared to private health care. For example, a doctor's visit in the public sector may cost at most around €20, whereas a private doctor's visit starts easily at 50–70 euros. However, it must be taken into account that the people who use public social and health care services most are those in the most economically disadvantaged positions. For example, here in Western Uusimaa there are over 40,000 low-income residents. Every missed appointment due to financial reasons can, at worst, lead to a considerably more expensive need for specialised medical care. In addition, every fee carries the right to an appeal, which we then process collectively in the Welfare Committee.

What would abolishing client fees achieve?

By abolishing client fees in social and health care, we save on bureaucracy. We also get to address problems before they become significant. And most importantly, we ensure that no one is left without care for financial reasons.

Who benefits most? According to THL research, around one in ten Finns has skipped a doctor's visit because of the cost. Among low-income earners and people with chronic conditions, the share is considerably higher. These are precisely the people who most often need help — and for whom delayed care ends up being most expensive. Abolishing client fees is therefore not just a matter of principle; it is also economically smarter than letting small problems grow into large ones.

Let us look after all of us!

Updated 15 September 2026. Client fees have moved in the opposite direction to the one I argued for here: the Länsi-Uusimaa regional council decided on increases in December 2025, which took effect at the start of 2026. My position has not changed — the fees still deepen inequality and shift costs into more expensive specialist care.

I have written more about the social and health care reform: the significance of sote for the welfare society, what would happen without a health centre and why adults are responsible for giving young people a better future.

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Sote is the cornerstone of the welfare society

Mon, 20 Dec 2021 00:00:00 GMT

Social and health care is expensive. There is no getting around it. But if we do not have a well-functioning social and health care system, can we still call our country a welfare state?

Why is social and health care in crisis?

In public discourse, we often talk about fiscal consolidation, high debt levels, and the expenditure of public institutions. But what about the other side of the coin? Even before the pandemic, we had a shortage of nurses and doctors, and the situation has only worsened since. Support functions have been cut and doctors are doing administrative work. Nurses are paid too low wages relative to the demands and level of education required by the work. The care backlog grows day by day as intensive care units are full of COVID patients and nurses have to be urgently moved away from their own wards. Mental health problems are on the rise and are the most common reason for disability pension. Social workers' caseloads are growing. Young people are marginalised and struggling. Can we afford not to fix these problems?

What do investments in care actually produce?

By investing in nursing staff and doctors, we ensure that help will be available in the future too. By providing mental health services, we catch problems while they can still be resolved. By ensuring enough social workers, we ensure that children's right to a safe upbringing is realised as well as possible. By preventing more serious problems, we save money, time, and effort for everyone in the long run. By removing client fees, we also take care of those in the most vulnerable positions before they face more serious problems. By providing comprehensive social services, we also look after special groups and their loved ones. All of this prevents marginalisation and keeps people in working condition for longer.

Prevention is cheaper than treatment

Of course, social and health care must also deliver the best possible value for money. The cheapest and most effective approach would be preventive measures. To give a sense of scale: in 2020, €1,176 per resident was spent on specialised medical care in Uusimaa, and €562 per resident on primary health care. A model example of effective prevention is free contraception for young people. In Vantaa, for instance, it has been shown to reduce unintended pregnancies by 36% among 15–19-year-olds and 19% among 20–24-year-olds. Another good and timely example is vaccinations. For instance, a 2-dose COVID vaccine series costs at most €29.40 while intensive care for a COVID patient costs on average €33,000.

Social and health care is not merely an expense, but an investment in our future. Every euro spent wisely on sote is a step towards a healthy population. The growth in sote costs is not curbed by cutting services, but by providing the right services at the right time.

Do we balance the budget, or do we fix the welfare society?

Updated 25 June 2026. The sote reform went ahead and the Länsi-Uusimaa Wellbeing Services County started operating in January 2023. Preventive services remain underfunded — the core argument of this post is as current now as when it was written.

I have written more about the social and health care reform: what would happen without a health centre, about abolishing healthcare fees and the role of the welfare committee.

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What if there were no health centre?

Mon, 15 Nov 2021 00:00:00 GMT

Good healthcare does not arise by itself — it is a political choice made by the regional council elected in the regional elections. What if Jorvi A&E were the only emergency service for all of Western Uusimaa? What if you always had to queue for hours at Jorvi? What if the bill afterwards had a couple more zeroes than it does today? What if nursing staff had an even harder time, and other personnel such as cleaners did not exist at all? What if nursing staff did not make it in time, even if you pressed the call button? Extremely unlikely, but possible nonetheless from 2023 onwards, when social and health care transfers to being organised by the wellbeing services counties.

What if healthcare failed us?

For most people, emergency care is the first point of contact with treatment for an illness or injury. The sooner appropriate treatment is received, the more effective it is. In the best case, easy access to low-threshold care also avoids more unpleasant and costly procedures. When a child develops a fever, you've been in an accident, or you feel extremely unwell, the nearest health centre is usually where you head.

What if the health centre worked excellently?

So what if that nearest health centre were actually nearby? If you could see online how busy it is right now, and you never had to queue for more than about twenty minutes? And there was no bill afterwards at all? What if nursing staff were well, and did not have to do anything other than care work? Does that sound good? And it's not impossible.

When the new regional council is elected in January, the major structural reform of the entire social and health care sector begins in earnest. Then each of us will have the opportunity to influence what the future of wellbeing looks like in Western Uusimaa. Although the whole reform feels very bureaucratic and disconnected from everyday life, these are extremely important elections — the regional councillors elected will get to plan the entire social and health care system as well as rescue services in our region exactly as they wish.

You decide whether the regional council makes cuts or investments.

What if our health centres were the best in Finland?

Updated 25 June 2026. The sote reform went ahead as planned: the Länsi-Uusimaa Wellbeing Services County started operating in January 2023 and now has responsibility for social and health services in the region. The elections described in this post were held in January 2022.

I have written more about the social and health care reform: the significance of sote for the welfare society, about abolishing healthcare fees and about the municipality's responsibility to plan for the long term.

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The welfare committee — what is it?

Sat, 30 Oct 2021 00:00:00 GMT

The welfare committee is a municipal body in Kirkkonummi that handles residents' appeals on basic welfare matters — such as transport services and home care fees. On Wednesday 27 October I attended the welfare committee meeting for the first time. Unlike municipal committees, the welfare committee's agendas and minutes are not shared, as the meetings deal with the affairs of individuals. For this reason, not everyone necessarily knows what the welfare committee does.

How does the board work in practice?

In practice, when a resident (i.e. you) files an appeal against a municipal decision relating to basic welfare — for example transport services or home care fees — the welfare committee decides whether to approve or reject the appeal. If no appeal is filed, no change to the decision will be made. First, the official responsible for the service — for example the head of basic welfare — collects the materials and legal provisions relating to the appeal and then presents to the committee whether to approve or reject the request. In the welfare committee, we then read through the materials, look at what the law and the municipality's rules say about the matter, and make our decision accordingly. A single meeting may contain several such cases, and no other matters are handled.

What can be learned from the experience?

Not every decision necessarily feels humane, but the municipality's rules and legal provisions require drawing a line somewhere, and the welfare committee cannot always deviate from them. However, every case offers something to learn, and for example the welfare board can be informed that a particular municipal rule needs updating. Sometimes it is worth deviating from the municipality's rules, because by supporting those in need we can provide more humane and sometimes also more cost-effective basic welfare. This is also a good insight into what people genuinely need but are not necessarily currently receiving. I also intend to use everything I learn here in the regional council, should I be elected.

In the meantime, though, let us take care of each other, and remember to give support where it is needed most!

Updated 25 June 2026. The welfare committee was dissolved following the 2023 sote reform, when responsibility for basic welfare transferred from municipalities to the Länsi-Uusimaa wellbeing services county. Equivalent appeals are now handled by the wellbeing services county's own bodies.

I have written more about the social and health care reform: the significance of sote for the welfare society, what would happen without a health centre and about abolishing healthcare fees.

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I am standing for the 2022 regional elections

Mon, 27 Sep 2021 00:00:00 GMT

Elections again. Although the municipal elections were only a short while ago, the regional elections are now beginning — the elections for the councils of the new wellbeing services counties established as a result of the social and health care reform. Even though the municipal elections were just held and the significance of the wellbeing services counties is still unclear to some, these are extremely important elections. After the social and health care reform, the wellbeing services counties will make decisions on matters including health centres, hospitals, dental care, maternity and child health clinics, child welfare, home care and rescue services — a truly large part of each of our lives.

Why do the wellbeing services elections matter?

Kirkkonummi will in future belong to the Western Uusimaa wellbeing services county together with Espoo, Hanko, Inkoo, Kauniainen, Lohja, Raasepori, Siuntio, Karkkila and Vihti. I therefore decided to stand as a candidate to make this region good and functional for all of us from Hanko to Espoo and Karkkila — and of course not forgetting us here in Kirkkonummi.

What does this area actually mean in terms of scale? Western Uusimaa has a population of around 470,000 — roughly equivalent to Tampere and Turku combined. The county is responsible in practice for all social and health care services and rescue operations in the region — in terms of budget, that means a billion-scale organisation. The council's decisions therefore have a genuine impact on the daily lives of hundreds of thousands of people.

What is important to me?

It is important to me to ensure that even after the social and health care reform, local services such as health centres and maternity clinics remain close to residents, and that services are not recklessly privatised under the guise of efficiency. It is also extremely important to look after the wellbeing and adequacy of care staff — the current nursing shortage and care backlog cannot be addressed by fiscal adjustment alone.

Let's keep local services local and look after each other!

Updated 15 September 2026. The regional elections were held in January 2022 and the Länsi-Uusimaa Wellbeing Services County started operating in January 2023. I was not elected to the regional council, but took part in the county's work as a deputy member of the rescue services board from 2022 to 2025. Securing local services remains just as pressing as it was when I wrote this.

I wrote about the social and health care reform during my campaign: what would happen without a health centre, the significance of sote for the welfare society and about abolishing healthcare fees.

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Kindergartens need teachers

Mon, 07 Jun 2021 00:00:00 GMT

How bad is the teacher shortage really?

At the moment, Kirkkonummi, like the whole country, faces a shortage of early childhood education teachers. By 2030, this shortage will worsen further, as the quota for early childhood education is being changed so that two-thirds of kindergarten care staff must have the qualification of an early childhood education teacher or social services professional. The shortage has become so severe that municipalities have started competing even on salary levels. For instance, Kirkkonummi is offering salaries above the collective agreement. At the time of writing, Kirkkonummi has five open positions for early childhood education teachers. In February the municipality had six open positions. Across the whole of Uusimaa, municipalities and cities are recruiting over 100 early childhood education teachers. Without hiring new early childhood education teachers, the municipality cannot open additional day care places as the population grows.

How could Kirkkonummi stand out as an employer?

What if Kirkkonummi asked the early childhood education teachers already working here how the municipality could genuinely be a better employer and make kindergartens better workplaces? While the law and the early childhood education curriculum set requirements for what must be done in kindergartens, the municipality as an employer can still greatly influence what kind of environment exists in a kindergarten and what opportunities teachers have to do their work. Those doing the work also know best what they need in their jobs.

This would be a clear competitive advantage for Kirkkonummi over other municipalities and cities in recruiting the early childhood education teachers it needs. By genuinely giving teachers a say in their work and working environment, we differentiate ourselves in the labour market, improve the wellbeing of current employees, and at the same time improve the quality of the work itself, because employees who are well are more committed to their work. When we have motivated early childhood education staff, our children receive even higher quality early childhood education.

Let's keep Kirkkonummi a family-friendly municipality and take care of our early childhood education staff!

Updated 25 June 2026. The situation has temporarily improved — high unemployment has brought people with relevant qualifications back into day care. The structural problem is unchanged, however: once the economy recovers and more lucrative positions open up, the pressure will likely return. Investing in employer appeal remains the right response.

I have written more about early childhood education: about the home care allowance supplement, about the adequacy of early childhood education, about the consequences of saving on children and about why education is the municipality's most important task. Read more in my posts on early childhood education.

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Well planned is half done, but…

Mon, 24 May 2021 00:00:00 GMT

The construction of Gesterby school centre must finally be approved — every extra year in temporary premises costs the municipality around €0.5 million and does nothing good for the pupils' situation.

How long has the project been delayed?

The school centre has been in various stages of investigation and planning in its current form for 6 years already. In 2017, the service production sub-committee noted that buildings B, C, D and E of the school centre needed to be demolished, and building A was declared in need of demolition in 2018. Temporary prefab buildings have served as temporary premises for the school centre since 2017. These temporary buildings cost around €0.5 million per year, meaning the cumulative cost is already in the millions, and construction of a new school has not even been approved by the municipal board yet. The municipality estimates that building the new Gesterby school centre together with a joint campus for Porkkala upper secondary school and Kyrkslätts gymnasium will take 4–5 years. On 10 May 2021, the municipal board again sent the project plan back to the drawing board due to insufficient studies.

Why has the project been stuck for six years?

The reasons given for returning it are not convincing, however, and they do not help the pupils or staff at the schools, let alone the municipality's attractiveness as a place to live. Every year in which construction of new buildings has not begun costs the municipality a great deal. The municipality's population growth is surely also affected by whether it has safe and healthy schools for children.

As the owner of the premises and the employer of the staff, the municipality also has an obligation to provide adequate and healthy facilities for pupils and staff. How would the matter be treated if it were a company planning new office premises for years on end?

What if we moved from words to action?

Many members of the municipal board have written to Kirkkonummen Sanomat saying that Gesterby school centre must be built or that other schools are also in the queue and must not be forgotten. Yet the last time the school centre project was sent back for preparation, it came down to a single vote. If just one more municipal board member voted in favour of the school centre, it could be moved forward. What if we moved from words to action and approved the construction of the new school centre?

Let's keep Kirkkonummi a family-friendly municipality and make sure our schools are healthy!

Updated 25 June 2026. Gesterby school centre was built, finished ahead of schedule, and is now one of the best school buildings in Kirkkonummi. A good outcome — though it took far too long to get there.

I have written more about education: about why education is the municipality's most important task, about the government's education cuts and about the state's pressure on municipal finances. Read more in my posts on education.

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The adequacy of early childhood education must not be compromised

Fri, 05 Mar 2021 00:00:00 GMT

Now that the Juhlakallio local detailed plan has been approved, and the Tolsanmäki and Tolsanjärvi plans are forthcoming, it is extremely important that the municipality also pays attention to the number of day care places and schools in the area.

Why do new zoning areas demand more services?

Traditionally, large numbers of families with children have moved to Kirkkonummi's new zoning areas — for example, over 50 per cent of households in Sundsberg were families with children in 2015. Already today, approximately 300 children of kindergarten age and around 500 of school age live in the Heikkilä, Jolkby and Laajakallio areas. Juhlakallio, Tolsanmäki and Tolsanjärvi are projected to attract a combined total of nearly 2,000 new residents. Population forecasts commissioned to support municipal decision-making (January 2021) estimate that by 2030 the number of children under 7 in these areas will be 10–30% higher than today. However, if the demographic structure of these areas were similar to Sundsberg's, this could mean as many as approximately 200 new children of kindergarten age and around 300 new school-age children.

How many children are moving into the new planning areas?

At present, there are three kindergartens in the planned zoning areas: Laajakallio municipal kindergarten and the private Touhula Laajakallio and Murut Solstugan. The area also has Heikkilä School and Laajakallio School. The Jokirinne Learning Centre is also near the area, but since over half of Kirkkonummi residents traditionally commute in the opposite direction, it is not a sensible option, especially for children of kindergarten age. Even if the current kindergartens and schools were sufficient for current residents — which they are not — both kindergarten places and school capacity will increase significantly in the coming years.

What does this mean in practice?

As a personal example, I can share our experience of applying for a day care place for our eldest child in the area last summer. We had expected, as others moving to the area presumably also assume, that a child would get a place in the local kindergarten, but after months of waiting we were only offered places in more distant kindergartens. Of course, you can always drive a child anywhere, but that means you need a car and that taking and collecting the child takes extra time and money. Some siblings of children living in Laajakallio have also not been able to get places in the same local kindergarten.

Kirkkonummi is often described as an excellent place to live for families with children, and property listings also advertise nearby services such as schools and kindergartens. Yet at the moment, these services seem to be largely theoretical, at least in the area between the Centre and Masala.

Let's keep Kirkkonummi a family-friendly municipality and ensure the adequacy of early childhood education!

Updated 25 June 2026. The Jokirinne Learning Centre has been completed and some of the development plan areas mentioned below have been built. However, the situation has not improved significantly. Part of the reason is the municipality's strategic goal of maintaining a very high occupancy rate for its day care facilities, which leaves little buffer whenever demand grows. The underlying problem described in this post therefore remains current.

I have written more about early childhood education: about the home care allowance supplement, about club activities, about the shortage of kindergarten teachers and about why education is the municipality's most important task. Read more in my posts on early childhood education.

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Early childhood education club activities — in the best interests of children

Thu, 18 Feb 2021 00:00:00 GMT

At the same time as the municipal council decided to abolish the municipal supplement for home care of children under 2, the early childhood education club activities operating in Kirkkonummi were also discontinued. In the clubs, children aged 2–5 had the opportunity to play with other children and participate in early childhood education 2–3 times a week.

Could higher fees have kept the clubs running?

Since the club activities were abolished through the budget approval process, cost was certainly a factor. However, the club activities were not free for parents — a club fee was charged. Could higher club fees have covered the costs, allowing the club activities to continue?

Why does club activity serve the child's best interest?

Club activities are also a matter of children's best interests. Recent research agrees that at least children aged 3 and over benefit from early childhood education compared to peers who are cared for at home. Parents do not always, for one reason or another, place their children in kindergarten, but club activities like these also give those children the right to early childhood education. When it comes to children and young people, we must always consider their best interests alongside costs.

Services aimed at families with children also attract more families to the area, keeping the municipality vital and enabling more services to be provided for all municipal residents.

What is actually being saved by cutting club activities? The monthly club fee was a few tens of euros — considerably cheaper than a full-time kindergarten place. At the same time, research shows that gaps in early childhood education manifest at school age as challenges in language development and social skills. In other words: the less that is invested in early childhood education, the greater the costs that arise later in schooling and support services. That is an expensive saving.

Let's keep Kirkkonummi a family-friendly municipality and restore the early childhood education club activities!

I have written more about early childhood education: about the home care allowance supplement, about the adequacy of early childhood education, about the shortage of kindergarten teachers and about the consequences of saving on children. Read more in my posts on early childhood education.

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The Kirkkonummi supplement is your benefit too

Mon, 15 Feb 2021 00:00:00 GMT

The municipal supplement to the home care allowance — the so-called Kirkkonummi supplement — is a voluntary payment the municipality may make for children in home care. At a time when large cities are reducing their municipal supplements and abolishing home care allowance altogether is being discussed, Kirkkonummi's municipal council decided to abolish it entirely. According to Kela's own research, the best solution would be to extend parental leave, and the government has also started to reform family leave, but individual municipalities cannot influence this. That is why the municipal supplement for children under 2 should be restored in Kirkkonummi, as it benefits children, parents, kindergarten workers, other Kirkkonummi residents, and the municipality's decision-makers alike.

Updated 25 June 2026. I wrote this text in 2021 to defend the Kirkkonummi supplement. Since then I have studied the research on home care allowance more broadly — including the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health's 2026 review — and changed my view. Home care allowance as a whole is a benefit that undermines gender equality and children's development: it encourages mothers in particular (and immigrant mothers even more strongly) to stay at home during critical years for both career and child development, and substitutes for day care that would support children's linguistic and social growth. A better solution would be a universal basic income. In particular, the situation would improve with extended parental leave distributed more equally between parents. I am keeping the original text as a historical record of how my thinking has evolved.

Why does the supplement matter for a child?

Thanks to the Kirkkonummi supplement, a child can stay at home during the stages of life when they need the most attention and care. At around 11.5 months, when parental leave ends, most children can only crawl and perhaps stand with support. Separation anxiety is also common at this age. Not until the age of one does a child say their first words and begin gradually walking. The child also begins to show their own temperament, at which point it is good to have a parent who knows the child well present to help navigate situations. The child does not yet know how to play with other children either.

A child who has turned 2 is already a quite different individual. At this stage, the child can take notice of those around them, understands instructions and begins to learn various things. Of course, asserting one's will is also common at this age, but on the other hand routines help a great deal and kindergartens provide plenty of those.

Parents

Financially, €150 per month is significant money on top of the home care allowance of €342.95. For example, one small child and one adult spend an estimated €341 per month on food. The home care allowance alone thus leaves little to spare each month. With the Kirkkonummi supplement you can at least buy winter clothes for the child on top.

Every parent should have the chance to enjoy their child's development, especially during the first years when the child learns something new almost every day. Hopefully the parental leave reform will bring relief here, but for as long as the current model is in place, Kirkkonummi can support parents with the municipal supplement.

Kindergarten workers

A single carer may have at most four children under 3 in their group. Already now there is a shortage of kindergarten workers in the Helsinki metropolitan area, and current workers face growing pressure in caring for children. At the time of writing, Kirkkonummi municipality has 6 open positions in kindergartens.

If more children under 2 move from home care into early childhood education, kindergartens will certainly have their hands full. However safe the premises may be, caring for four crawling and babbling children is challenging for anyone. If instead children are cared for at home until the age of two, they no longer fall over constantly, it is possible to play with them more systematically, and they can probably express themselves.

Kirkkonummi residents

Even if you don't receive the Kirkkonummi supplement yourself, it benefits you too. Only 55 municipalities in mainland Finland still pay a municipal supplement, making it a very good incentive for families with children. When the municipality then gains more taxpayers, other services can be improved and expanded — specifically the ones you use.

Moreover, at a time when the birth rate is declining, families with children are even more important for municipalities to ensure services. Given that people have children on average between 30 and 40, and retire at over 60, parents have several decades to generate tax revenue for the municipality to fund services. Especially during the crisis caused by the pandemic, more and more people have moved away from Helsinki and the Helsinki metropolitan area — Kirkkonummi should be attracting those same people to move here specifically.

What does the supplement cost the municipality — and what does it bring back?

Warning: this section contains numbers.

Abolishing the Kirkkonummi supplement was of course about cutting costs to balance the budget. It has presumably been calculated that the Kirkkonummi supplement costs the municipality over €360,000 per year (if more than 200 families receive it). Perhaps it was also assumed that the municipal supplement does not affect demand for early childhood education, even though that may not necessarily be true.

However, every child who therefore moves into day care costs the municipality on average €672.85 (with the maximum service voucher price at €1,293 and the parent paying €620.15 in income tax to the municipality) per month. On an annual basis, it only takes 45 children moving from home care to early childhood education for the municipality to lose the same €360,000 per year.

The Kirkkonummi supplement is also a good marketing tool, since very few municipalities still pay it. If it attracts even one family to move to Kirkkonummi instead of, say, Kerava, the municipality receives €7,441.80 in tax revenue per year as long as only one parent is working. If both parents eventually return to the workforce, they pay an average of €14,883.60 in income tax per year.

Summary

The immediate benefit of the home care allowance supplement is of course for the families who receive it. €150 per month may seem like a small amount of money to many, but in a low-income family it makes a big difference. Simply looking after those in the most vulnerable position should be sufficient justification for restoring it.

Indirectly, however, the Kirkkonummi supplement and other services for families with children also benefit the whole municipality. Attracting families with children to the municipality is one of the best ways to improve the municipality's finances in the long run, and the supplement is a good incentive for doing so.

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Home care allowance supplement — a small cost, a big difference

Thu, 04 Feb 2021 00:00:00 GMT

Just before Christmas, Kirkkonummi's municipal council decided to abolish the municipal supplement to the home care allowance, the so-called Kirkkonummi supplement. The supplement was paid at €150 per month per child under 2 years old in home care. By comparison, the neighbouring city of Espoo pays €190 per month for a child under 2 and €150 per month for a 2-year-old child.

What does abolishing the supplement actually cost the municipality?

In the municipal budget, this kind of cost is an extremely small share, but for families with children it may be the difference between being able to keep a child at home or having to place them in day care. If a child is put into full-time day care after the supplement is removed, it costs the municipality €1,293 per month (the maximum service voucher price in 2019, paid for a child in private day care), and parents also have to pay an additional €288 per month for day care.

Does the municipality or the family actually benefit financially?

Of course, the municipality does receive more tax revenue when both parents return to working life — approximately €620.15, given that the Finnish median wage in 2019 was €3,140 per month according to Statistics Finland, and Kirkkonummi's municipal tax rate is 19.75%. Financially, then, neither the municipality nor the parents necessarily benefit from this.

What does this mean for the child?

What about the child and the family? Parental leave ends when the child is about 11.5 months old, at which point most babies cannot yet walk or speak. In day care, special attention therefore has to be given to the little one, while parents miss out on being able to follow and enjoy their child's development. The child themselves is also unlikely to be very happy, as at that age they are also very shy around strangers and do not need the company of peers.

Let's keep Kirkkonummi a family-friendly municipality and restore the home care allowance supplement!

I have written more about early childhood education: about club activities, about the adequacy of early childhood education, about the shortage of kindergarten teachers and about the consequences of saving on children. Read more in my posts on early childhood education.

Corrected on 4 February 2021: maximum service voucher price changed from €862 to €1,293 per month.

Corrected on 14 February 2021: duration of parental leave.

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